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1.
国洪更 《史学月刊》2006,1(11):84-92,101
古代两河流域的收养法律不健全,研究收养制度必须依赖于收养契约。古代两河流域的收养关系可以分为收养男性、收养女性和收养奴隶三大类;男性可以被收养为儿子、儿子—学徒、儿子—女婿以及兄弟,女性可以被收养为女儿、儿媳、女儿或儿媳以及姊妹。古代两河流域的收养制度不但可以弥补家庭缺陷,而且可以传承手工技艺或扩大再生产、转让禁止买卖的土地和变相地进行人口买卖.  相似文献   

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古代两河流域先民认为人类的生命是由神创造并为神服务的,人类没有永生,死亡是命中注定的;生命的意义在于追求名誉和为神服务;人死后亡灵都要进入地下世界,地下世界是黑暗凄凉、阴森恐怖而不值得向往的。这种生命信仰和死亡信仰反映在祭司神学集团编造出的一系列神话、史诗等宗教文学中,二者互为补充,共同发挥着宣扬宗教教义的文化功能。  相似文献   

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在古代两河流域文学的早期研究中,"智慧文学"这个术语被学者们广泛使用,很少有人提出质疑,直到英国学者兰伯特《巴比伦智慧文学》的出版,情况才有了转变。一些学者开始采用"说教文学"以取代"智慧文学"的使用;另有一些学者则完全放弃使用类似的术语,把考察作品的智慧主题作为研究的出发点。笔者认为,无论"智慧文学"还是"说教文学"都不是一种文类,完全放弃使用"智慧文学"术语是不可取的。古代两河流域智慧文学研究大致经历了文献整理出版、分类归纳和多元化研究等3个阶段;国内学术界对古代两河流域智慧文学尚缺乏系统研究,即使在一些著述中有所提及,也多为介绍性文字。  相似文献   

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拱玉书 《世界历史》2007,88(2):103-112
本文重新诠释了苏美尔史诗《恩美卡与阿拉塔之王》反映的苏美尔人的文字起源观,认为乌鲁克国王恩美卡不是发明文字的人,而是首先把楔形文字写在泥版上并首先将楔形文字泥版用于外交场合的人;苏美尔神话《伊楠娜与恩基》反映了苏美尔人的文字神造观;与此同时,《伊楠娜与恩基》也反映了苏美尔人对书写和书吏的定位:在苏美人看来,书写属于手工艺范畴,而书吏就是从事书写工艺的“书匠”,与木匠、铁匠无异。本文还认为,《恩美卡与阿拉塔之王》中的“钉子”(苏美尔语:gag,阿卡德语sikkatum)可能就是苏美尔人对楔文字形的概括,可能也是他们对楔文的称呼。  相似文献   

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“世界体系理论”与古代两河流域早期文明研究   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
本文着重讨论世界体系理论在古代史,特别是古代两河流域地区史前历史研究中的应用,指出类似世界体系的交流网络在古代两河流域社会鸟鲁克时代已经存在。乌鲁克世界体系研究在方法、角度上给古代史研究提供了许多可资借鉴之处,但也不可避免地存在一些需要解决的问题,特别是如何将考古学证据与世界体系理论相结合的问题。最后,本文还强调鸟鲁克世界体系是一个更大范围的西亚北非世界体系形成的前奏,将鸟鲁克世界体系放在一个更广泛的领域内考虑将更有助于推动古代社会的整体史研究。  相似文献   

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本文分析了乌尔第三王朝和古巴比伦时期的两件分家文书.文件表明在古代两河流域的家庭生产资料中,奴隶作为动产的主要部分在家庭的农业生产和生活中占有极其重要的地位,许多家庭在生产劳动中大量使用男女奴隶劳动力,说明古代两河流域文明是建立在奴隶制社会上的农业文明,古代两河流域社会是奴隶制社会.  相似文献   

11.
The advent of North Sea oil transformed the relatively depressed Aberdeen economy through inward investment and employment opportunities in the oil supply industry. As a consequence of the fall in oil prices in 1985–86, Aberdeen is faced with economic uncertainty, and this has prompted responses by the local planning authority and the private sector.  相似文献   

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Investigators have long recognised the effects of microbial activity on archaeological bone. These investigators, however, have focused on single or groups of microbes rather than on complex microbial aggregates such as biofilms, a focus that has affected our understanding of archaeological bone biodeterioration. In this paper, we report on the investigation of a biofilm in archaeological human bone from the site of Tell Leilan, Syria (2900–1900 BCE). Scanning electron microscopy indicated that the biofilm is characterised by single cells and microcolonies of bacteria and fungi, as well as calcite crystals that were all embedded within extracellular polymeric substances. Using culture techniques and DNA sequencing, we isolated and identified several microbes from the biofilm including Amycolatopsis sp., Penicillium chrysogenum, Aspergillus sp., Chaetomium sp., and Cladosporium sp. Having characterised the Leilan biofilm, we are now closer to understanding the complex process of bone biodeterioration in archaeological bone collections.  相似文献   

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In this paper, I argue that archaeologists have overlooked variability within the category of "prestate Mesopotamian societies" by focusing exclusively on political organization. If economic and not only political criteria were used to evaluate developments in early Mesopotamia, a different perception of prehistory and history would result. Mesopotamian societies in the 6th millennium B.C. can be shown to be politically "stable" but economically changing. The analysis of economic processes is based on the structural Marxist concept of "modes of production."  相似文献   

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Dental microwear features in a sample of 10 human teeth from Tell Ashara and Tell Masaikh, two archaeological sites in the Middle Euphrates valley, Syria, were compared for possible evidence of a shift in grinding technology in Mesopotamia—parallel to the well-documented introduction of large rotary querns and watermills in the Graeco-Roman world. Two chronological subsets (Bronze Age, n = 4 and Late Roman/Islamic period, n = 6) differred substantially and features related to a more abrasive diet (broad lines, pits and punctures visible on SE micrographs) were significantly less frequent in the later subsample which may indicate that the shift in cereal grinding technology occured in Mesopotamia before the Late Roman period.  相似文献   

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The assessment of the firing temperature of a prehistoric pottery sample collected from ancient Mesopotamia, Turkey was studied using luminescence techniques. The methods for this estimation involved the observation of the thermal and pre‐dose sensitization with various re‐firing temperatures for both TL and the OSL signals. In the former case, the 110°C TL peak and the rest of the glow curve were used as proxies in this study. In the framework of a first attempt to investigate the impact of grain‐size dependence on the sensitization of the luminescence signals, the aforementioned study was performed with four different pottery grain‐size fractions: (i) less than 60 μm, (ii) 60–90 μm, (iii) 90–180 μm and (iv) 180–250 μm. The results clearly demonstrated the firing temperature mark of ~500°C in for the grain size of 90–180 μm, while—as in the case of the lower grain‐size fraction—a third proxy, the ratio of the pre‐dosed to the thermal sensitization, was seen to indicate the firing temperature. The remaining two grain‐size fractions failed to provide any meaningful results with regard to the firing temperature estimation. The dependence of the TL characteristics on the grain size was explained in the framework of the mixed mineralogy.  相似文献   

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Ancient Mesopotamian scholars examined problematic aspects of male erotic desire within the discourse of divination. They documented an array of sexual acts, reading each as an omen, a sign signifying an aspect of the future. Guinan shows that the omens are informed by a coherent perspective and, in general, are concerned with the impact of erotic desire on notions of male identity and expectations of gender hierarchy. The omens oppose masculine hegemony and male/female eroticism in such a way that the denial of one is the assertion of the other. In these omens, masculine power and agency are both expressed and preserved by the disavowal of erotic interactions with women.  相似文献   

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Abstract

The integration of spatial datasets from historical satellite imagery, digital elevation models (DEMs), and past archaeological surveys provides new insights into the nature and remains of past landscape transformations. Using southern Mesopotamia as a case study, this article addresses, both quantitatively and qualitatively, long-held assumptions concerning the nature and relationship of settlement patterns and river channel systems in antiquity. GIS and image analysis are used to fill in gaps in the settlement record and propose a revised location for the Tigris River during most of antiquity. Given that only one-third of the central alluvial plain had been ground surveyed in southern Mesopotamia, how complete was our picture of landscape and settlement? How could gaps in settlement be interpreted? The present work in the area east of Baghdad suggests that archaeologists and historians have underestimated the nature and movements of the Tigris River. Satellite imagery can help reveal the location of the Tigris River prior to its settling into its modern course, shedding light on its potential role in the rise of early Mesopotamian agricultural societies. The work presented here proposes a methodology for unweaving and mapping preserved pieces of ancient landscapes, addressing larger issues of human modification of the landscape.  相似文献   

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