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This article analyses how neoliberal restructuring encouraged the use of participatory methods in agricultural research in Bolivia and how, at a later stage, participatory development initiatives had to be adapted to prevent conflicts with the post‐neoliberal views of farmer organizations. The article contributes to the debate on the normalization of participatory methods in agrarian development. Engaging with Foucault's work on governmentality and neoliberalism, our analysis goes beyond interpretations of participation which conceptualize it exclusively as a technology of power to discipline subjects. Drawing on a distinction between a liberal and a neoliberal moment in the restructuring of agricultural research, we study the case of PROINPA (Foundation for the Promotion and Research of Andean Products), a national NGO that was once part of the state system for agricultural research but was then privatized. Although PROINPA employed participation mainly to enhance managerial effectiveness, it also facilitated moments of participation from below. We argue that participation designed by this type of NGO is not just ‘technical’ as PROINPA professionals would like to perceive it, nor is it simply ‘political’ as critical views on participation hold. Instead it is malleable in the sense that each actor is involved in finding a new balance between technical, economic and political considerations.  相似文献   

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“Talking Back to Frida: Houses of Emotional Mestizaje” is, in part, a historical meditation on the silencing of three women, Frida Kahlo, María Enríquez, a Mexican woman who was sexually assaulted in 1924, and me. Written in an innovative historical fashion that joins techniques drawn from fiction, journalism, and history, the article attempts to understand specific assaults on women’s voices by drawing readers into the historical worlds of the protagonists. “Talking Back” also seeks to respond to Hans Kellner’s incisive theoretical challenge: how do historians’ personal histories affect their historical choices? The article’s organization depends on my understanding of language, color, and physicality, as the emotional architecture of the Deep Southern and Mexican places tend to both enclose and partially free the protagonists. The essay begins by leading the reader into my own past in the Deep South, a past where German Jewish and Russian Jewish relatives engaged in a cultural battle over form, personal style, and will. Confronting a German Jewish world where only things—never feelings—seemed to matter, I found solace in the friendship of a black servant. That friendship, in turn, helped prompt a particularly empathic historical voice. The southern section is followed by a journey into Frida Kahlo’s Mexican world. In that world, Kahlo’s severe physical pain and solitude construct inner and outer universes. The people who populate these worlds are friends, lovers, husband, and the Mexican poor. Kahlo’s artistic renditions of these people reflect, the article suggests, both the depth of her love for them and a tendency to use them in response to her despair. Finally, “Talking Back” reconstructs the world of María Enríquez, a Michoacán peasant woman assaulted in public by her former boyfriend. Abandoned by friend, sister, and Catholic women on the way to church, Enríquez develops a voice laced with generosity, cultural insight, and a rare self–possession.  相似文献   

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Diego Andreucci 《对极》2018,50(4):825-845
Is populism necessary to the articulation of counter‐hegemonic projects, as Laclau has long argued? Or is it, as ?i?ek maintains, a dangerous strategy, which inevitably degenerates into ideological mystification and reactionary postures? In this paper, I address this question by exploring the politics of discourse in Evo Morales's Bolivia. While, in the years leading to the election of Morales, a populist ideological strategy was key to challenging neoliberal forces, once the hegemony of the new power bloc was stabilised, indigenous demands for emancipatory socio‐environmental change began to be perceived as a threat to resource‐based accumulation. In this context, the populist signifiers that originated in indigenous‐popular struggles were used by the Morales government to legitimise repression of the indigenous movement. I argue, therefore, that ideological degeneration signals a problem not with populism per se, but rather with the class projects and shifting correlations of forces that underpin it in changing conjunctures.  相似文献   

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Abstract

This paper explores Prince Hal's relationships with his great friend Falstaff and his great enemy Hotspur, who dominate the young prince's life as he prepares to rule England and conquer France. Hotspur and Falstaff could not be more different, and seem deliberately drawn by Shakespeare to represent distinctive and opposing points of view: Hotspur is an honor-loving and courageous warrior who covets danger and fame, Falstaff a selfish and dishonorable rationalist who has no regard for danger or fame. I will argue that the lessons Hal learns from Hotspur and Falstaff, especially concerning honor, are the key to his stunning political success. While Hal seems to stand somewhere between these two extremes, and so might be characterized as moderately attached to honor, I will question this conclusion and suggest another.  相似文献   

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刘超 《史学月刊》2006,(7):95-99
1929年,国民政府查禁了顾颉刚、王钟麒编辑、胡适校订的《现代初中本国史教科书》,原因是该书对中国上古史持怀疑态度,“不承认三皇五帝为事实”,会“动摇国本”。《现代本国史》对三皇五帝抱有怀疑态度,但是肯定了上古传说的象征意义和上古帝王所代表的社会演进阶段。《现代本国史》的表述与其他教科书的表述基本相同。查禁的主要原因,是国民政府对顾颉刚等人发起的古史辨运动可能危及到民众信仰的担忧和对胡适等新文化人的不满,实是国民政府加强思想控制的一种手段。民族主义式的指责成为意识形态斗争的工具。  相似文献   

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I n mid-May 1689 James Welwood, Scottish-born physician and polemicist for the dual monarchs William III and Mary II, inaugurated a popular journal of opinion, Mercurius Reformatus or the New Observator. Dr. Welwood's periodical was only one among the dozens of newspapers and mercuries that Londoners read after the Glorious Revolution of 1688, the culmination of events that removed James II, a Roman Catholic, from the throne and replaced him with his Protestant elder daughter Mary and her Dutch husband-first cousin, William of Orange. While "mercury," an allusion to the Roman god of information, eloquence, and wit, was a common publishing appellation, Welwood viewed his periodical as unique, embracing historical as well as contemporary events, and therefore superior to any ordinary newspaper. He also considered himself exceptional. Admittedly, not many political writers had Welwood's admirable credentials: multiple university degrees, familiarity with the court of William and Mary as a royal physician, and active service in medicine on reform-minded wartime commissions. Although Dr. Welwood never affixed his name to the masthead of Mercurius Reformatus , believing that journalism was beneath his professional standing, his reportorial legacy is significant. Moreover, beyond the columns in Mercurius Reformatus , its companion advertisements yield a valuable archive of remarkable particulars about the views of its founder and the audience it reached. During his publication's two-and-a-half-year run, Welwood used the advertisements to reinforce his articles in order to promote his own political, religious, and medical convictions.1  相似文献   

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William J. McEwen. Changing Rural Society: A Study of Communities in Bolivia. New York: Oxford University Press, 1975. xiv + 463 pp. Maps, illustrations, figures, appendices, bibliography and index. $15.95 (cloth) and $7.95 (paper).  相似文献   

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