场域理论视角下的国际移民研究——以安徽内陆新侨乡为例

论文介绍了场域理论,并运用场域理论对中国内陆山区新侨乡的国际移民潮进行分析。通过对场域、资本和村民＂习性＂的研究,从外在的社会结构和内在的个体心理结构两方面来考察新移民活动,为新侨乡研究提供一种新的观察解读模式。笔者认为新移民场域内资本的流动和转换是推动国际移民潮出现和变化的关键因素。随着各种资本向内陆山区农村的转移,新侨乡的范围和国际移民的数量将会继续扩大。     

游客的犯罪侵害风险感知研究——以印度国际游客为例

游客在旅游活动中担心受到犯罪侵害,不但会影响游客的到访意愿,而且殃及当地旅游业的发展。本文旨在了解游客对犯罪侵害的心理反应,探讨旅游侵害风险感知形成的相关因素。本文以到访印度的国际游客为研究对象,于2010年1月在印度德里机场进行问卷调查。调查发现在印度的国际游客认为被骚扰、诈骗及盗窃的可能性较大。女性、亚洲人明显有较高的防卫行为倾向。观光游客比商务游客感觉受侵害风险更高。旅游侵害风险感知与旅游决策间具有负向关系,旅游风险意识及旅游信息在侵害风险感知与旅游决策关系间具有调节效果。     

道义、交换与移民跨国实践——基于衰退型侨乡海南文昌的个案研究

论文以海南文昌侨乡为例,探讨了基于传统道义与交换互惠两种跨国关系的移民跨国实践的变化及其给侨乡带来的影响。研究发现,文昌的海外移民在迁移过程中经历了经济与声誉地位同时上升的过程,再加上受到多层社会结构因素的影响,纯粹社会声誉与身份归属方面的补偿不再对其构成吸引力,使得文昌移民与家乡一直持续的传统道义关系受到了不同程度的摧毁,基于传统道义关系发展起来的社会文化馈赠模式对于文昌移民的吸引力在下降。不少文昌移民试图与家乡重新建立起一种不同于传统道义的、互惠互利的社会交换关系,发展出一种既可赚钱又可普惠地方的跨国实践模式。而由于土地纠纷、行政干预等问题,海外移民与当地政府并没有建立良好的交换与互惠关系,使得盈利性跨国实践也没有在文昌移民群体中大规模兴起。这些都进一步导致文昌移民在祖籍地的跨国实践逐渐衰落,也使得侨乡的象征意义与示范效应逐渐式微。华人本着爱国和慈善精神汇款回中国的时代,已经转变为在一个全球性的资本主义环境中着重投资的时代。     

国际移民的历史、现状与我国对策研究

本文考察世界移民的历史、发展趋势及其理论与实践 ,探讨我国的对策。作者认为 ,我们应当加强国际移民问题的研究 ,从时代的高度和国家发展战略层面来认识和处理国际移民问题 ,既要坚决反对非法移民 ,又要开拓正常渠道支持合法移民 ,并给新移民以必要的帮助。     

“侨乡社会资本”解读：以当代福建跨境移民潮为例

本文以当代福建跨境移民潮为研究实例,提出并梳理"侨乡社会资本"命题的理论意义,力图赋予侨乡文化以新的理论视角.本文提出跨国民间网络是侨乡社会资本的基本载体,跨国互惠期望是侨乡社会资本的运作机制,跨国链接增殖是侨乡社会资本的效益特性.侨乡通过已定居移民、信息网络和人情互惠提高移民操作的成功率及获益率的能力,是一种社会资本.这种资本有望转化为经济资本、文化资本乃至政治资本,但这种转化只有在如愿跨境输出人力资源的条件下才能实现.侨乡社会资本的特殊性体现在它与发达国家劳动力市场的链接,其效益通过其投资对象--"移民"进入发达国家劳动力市场而实现转换与增值.当移民作为一种投资途径并且存在有效运作空间时,移民行为必然生生不息,而侨乡社会资本正是通过一次次诸如此类的跨国运作不断增殖.     

网络话题作为定性数据来源的研究方法探讨——以旅游动机研究为例

本文对利用网络话题获取定性数据的方法、对网络话题的分类、网络话题搜集方法的使用方式和适用范围等进行了探讨。网络话题方法根据研究者参与程度的不同,可分为完全不参与型、一般参与型与强势参与型三种类型,适用于取得多样的、深刻的观点内容。本文的实证研究部分,以网络话题为样本,分析了我国旅游者的旅游动机表达。研究发现：旅游者多数从心理和情感需求角度来叙述旅游动机以及旅游对旅游者个人的影响;我国旅游者的旅游动机主要源于学习、探索、消除心理压力的需要。从网友的话题中还发现：旅游和旅行促进了某些旅游者对家与家乡的热爱,即通过外出旅游,认知了“家”的价值与意义。     

Qualitative Methods for the Study of Policy Diffusion: Challenges and Available Solutions

This article deals with the question whether and how processes of policy diffusion can be examined with qualitative methods. More specifically, how can qualitative methods address the “twin challenge of interdependence,” namely the challenge to identify diffusion, on the one hand, and the challenge to discriminate between mechanisms of diffusion, on the other? I argue, first, that there are three distinct qualitative techniques that can be used, namely cross‐case analysis (often based on systematic case selection), within‐case process tracing, and counterfactual reasoning. I demonstrate how these techniques can be adapted to the study of policy diffusion. Second, a combination of these methods is the best practice, since they are largely complementary in terms of the twin challenge of diffusion. The discussion draws on numerous illustrations from recent qualitative policy diffusion studies. The article closes with some suggestions for further methodological development in the study of policy diffusion, including the combination of quantitative and qualitative methods.     

中国东南地区大遗址保护的可行性方法——以江苏为例

大遗址保护一直是我国乃至世界范围内文物保护领域中的难题。江苏大遗址众多,文化内涵丰富,目前保存的大遗址均不同程度地遭受着各种因素的威胁,尤其是受人为因素影响较大,由此形成了江苏大遗址保护的地域(东南地区)特色。近年来,江苏通过古城墙、明祖陵、扬州城遗址、青墩遗址等成功的保护实践,及休闲绿地型、城区系列博物馆型等大遗址保护的尝试,探索出法律保护、规划保护、准则保护、过程保护及利用保护等管理和技术并用的可行性方法。该方法也将对东部沿海人多地少、经济发达地区具有普遍指导意义。     

Devolution and Parliamentary Representation: The Case of the Scotland and Wales Bill, 1976–7

For as long as devolution has been debated in the UK, there has been fierce discussion as to the representation of the would‐be affected areas at Westminster. That this has been the case is a consequence of Westminster's dual remit as both a state‐wide and a sub‐state legislature. While this dual remit was relatively straightforward when applied to all nations of the UK, it does, however, raise serious questions about the equality of MPs at Westminster in the face of asymmetric devolution that would carve out parliament's remit in some, but not all, parts of the UK. These questions bedevilled Gladstone's Irish Home Rule Bills in the late 19th century and have been a recurrent feature of debate following New Labour's devolution programme in the late 1990s, culminating in the adoption of a system of ‘English Votes for English Laws’ by the house of commons in October 2015. This article looks at this issue through the lens of the ill‐fated Scotland and Wales Bill introduced by the Callaghan government in 1976. It explores the roots of the bill and how, and why, the idea of referring the question of territorial representation, post‐devolution, to a Speaker's conference, came to secure the initial support of cabinet as the best answer to this problem, and why the government swiftly changed its mind. Parliamentary statecraft considerations served to push a Speaker's conference onto the institutional agenda, before ultimately dooming it to failure.     

工业遗产话语变迁的模式、成因及演化分析——以英国世界遗产铁桥峡谷为例

世界遗产的政治化引发学界更多地从批判性视角解构和重构文化遗产,并逐渐发展为聚焦遗产话语的跨学科研究范式与研究视角.英国世界遗产铁桥峡谷是工业遗产话语变迁的典型案例,其显示出工业遗产话语经历话语离散、话语聚焦和话语绑定三个阶段.其变迁原因有三:迎合UNESCO的权威遗产话语体系,契合英国城市复兴和社区文化需求,获得社会资...     

Republicans,Unionists and Jacobites: The 1st Marquess of Tweeddale and the Restoration of the British Parliament

Although John Hay, 1st marquess of Tweeddale, contributed significantly to both the ruthless overthrow of Charles I, and the establishment of the first British parliament in the 1650s, most of his political career was concerned with attempting to re-establish this parliament after it was dissolved at the restoration of Charles II. His first attempt ended in defeat at the hands of the king and the duke of Lauderdale in 1670, but following the overthrow of James VII and II in 1688, Tweeddale tried to persuade the prince of Orange to unite Scotland and England. The prince, however, showed much more interest in securing the crown of Scotland than uniting the two kingdoms. Tweeddale, as lord high commissioner to the Scottish parliament in 1695, responded by passing legislation designed to provoke the English parliament into accepting union. He was also engaged in a jacobite intrigue to restore King James. Tweeddale intended that the restored monarch would be little more than a puppet, who could be used to legitimise what was effectively a republican regime in all but name. By this means the restored parliament would avoid the unpopularity which brought down the first British parliament in 1660. Tweeddale's scheme came to nought, but the technique he employed to manipulate the English parliament, and exploit the jacobite threat, contributed to the restoration of the British parliament ten years after his death.     

Adjustment and Integration: The Scottish Representation in the British House of Commons, 1707–14*

The small minority of Scots who entered the house of commons in 1707 were slow to make their mark. Besides lack of numbers, they suffered several significant disadvantages. The Westminster scene was strange, and the style and tone of debate more vigorous and informal. Moreover, the aristocracy had dominated the unicameral Scottish parliament, and commoners found it difficult to emancipate themselves from noble tutelage. Most importantly, Scottish politics did not yet reflect the two‐party system dominant in England. Thus in the first sessions the Scots were unable to make headway in the essential business of parliament, legislation. Scotland suffered in comparison with the English provinces, and even the Irish, who were able to muster a more effective lobby. Soon, however, a new generation of debaters appeared, able to use their wit to discomfit English antagonists, and a new class of ‘men of business’ who grasped the rules of the legislative game. The fortuitous deaths of leading magnates and the polarisation of sectarian antagonisms in Scotland permitted the coalescence of the Scottish representation into two broad factions allied with the English parties. It was with English tory support that bills were passed to benefit the sectional concerns of Scottish episcopalians, accompanied by other measures of a more general nature. The combined attempt by Scottish peers and MPs in 1713 to secure the repeal of the union does not point to a lasting breakdown in Anglo‐Scottish relations, since it was also a manifestation of political opportunism by English whigs and discontented tories, and their Scottish allies. But the dawn of a party system in Scotland was dispelled by the death of Queen Anne and the ensuing jacobite rebellion. The complicity of tories in the Fifteen resulted in the destruction of the party in Scotland, and the construction of a whig hegemony.     

二十世纪初期的槟榔屿华人知识分子——以《南洋英属海峡殖民地志略》记载为例的分析

以宋蕴璞《南洋英属海峡殖民地志略》一书为主要研究材料、槟榔屿华人移民社会中的华人知识分子为研究对象,简述了宋蕴璞笔下二十世纪初期的槟榔屿华人及其中的知识分子与边缘知识分子的基本情况,并对其在发起、推动和参与建设学校、发起书报社、筹办报馆、参与社团等方面的文化教育活动,以及他们漂泊海外的情感归依进行了分析梳理。     

Archaeology, Development and Conflict: A Case Study from the African Continent

Apart from wars, other contexts of social conflict have recently become a setting in which archaeologists are faced with acute, sometimes armed, violence. On the African continent, a region often overlooked in discussions of “archaeology in conflict”, rapid economic development has led to several such scenes. The paper discusses a particularly poignant example from the Middle Nile valley in Sudan, where large dam projects have been met with various levels of opposition by affected populations. Local communities opposing the construction of further planned dams on the Nile are increasingly stressing ‘cultural survival’ and fear of ‘developmental genocide’ as two of their major motivations for fighting these projects. Assuming a close link between the developer and archaeological salvage missions, affected people have started to use the expulsion of salvage teams from their territory as a strategy of resistance—posing an ethical dilemma for the archaeologists who struggle to find a position in the increasingly violent controversies accompanying these contested development projects.