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1.
论第一届国会选举   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
1912年底到1913年初,中国举行了第一届国会选举。这是辛亥革命后资产阶级及其政党效法资本主义国家,推行资产阶级“议会政治”的一个重要步骤,也是近代中国一次比较完整意义上的资产阶级选举。但是,长期来史学界对此很少有研究成果发表,本文拟从立法、竞选到结果等方面作一初步探讨。  相似文献   

2.
从康有为、孙中山的民权思想看进化论在中国的发展梁修琴在中国近代政治思想史上.资产阶级民权思想最初从西方输入并被某些中国人接受和加以传播,大约是从19世纪70年代开始的,到80年代,资产阶级早期改良派的民权思想呼声渐大。戊戌变法时期.资产阶级改良派把宣...  相似文献   

3.
在中国近代史上,“政体”问题一提出,就同清末变法改制问题紧紧联在一起。因为当时“政体”问题提出的前提,就:是改变封建专制政体。本文就旧中国从本世纪初起陆续出现的各种政体,探讨中国近现代政体产生和发展的特点和规律。一近代中国,资产阶级的改良运动及革命运动兴起之时,日本及西方诸国已经确立起了资产阶级国家的政体,在这种情况下,中国的资产阶级改良派或革命派以及清政府在政体问题上,不能不在基本搬用外国现成形式的基础上作某些变易和修改。中国近现代(从清末到中华人民共和国成立以前)在政体上大致经历了这样几个时期。  相似文献   

4.
民元南京参议院风波   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
西方资产阶级的议会制度,曾是近代先进人物长期追求实现的一种制度,他们认为只要建立起这种制度和资产阶级的民主共和国,就可以臻国家于富强。辛亥革命后,人们所向往的全国性议会表面上建立起来了,它对孙中山领导下的南京临时政府的立法  相似文献   

5.
孙中山五权宪法思想及其实践   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
五权宪法思想是孙中山三民主义学说中民权主义的重要组成部分。它的产生是晚清国粹思潮与孙中山对西方政治制度深刻认识相结合的产物。其理论来源是西方资产阶级国家政体分权制衡原则和中国封建政治制度中某些合理性因素,孙中山在革命实践中将其逐步完善,最终形成比较完整的思想体系。孙中山始终不渝地实践着五权宪法,这种实践虽然在小范围内部分地取得了成效,但作为一种完整的整体构想却始终未获成功。孙中山五权宪法思想的提出及其实践是对西方资产阶级三权分立政治思想的重要发展。是中国政治变革史上的一件大事,推动了近代中国民主政治的发展。  相似文献   

6.
大战期间,欧洲某些被占领国家,如法国、捷克斯洛伐克、希腊、波兰等国的抵抗运动基本上是在两种政治力量——资产阶级政党和无产阶级政党的领导下进行的。但综观南斯拉夫整个抵抗过程,事实上只有共产党才一直是民族抵抗运动的真正组织者和领导者,在这点上任何资产阶级政党都无法同南共相提并论。这样说决不意味着全盘否定某些资产阶级爱国人士在解放运动中所起的积极作用。南人民解放运动中的这一突出现象,是由该国本身的历史条件和现实政治斗争形势的发展所决定的。随着四月战争的彻底失败,南资产阶级政府以及200名最有影响的主要资产阶级政党领袖一同流亡国外。虽然他们在口头上喋喋不休地宣称  相似文献   

7.
"文革"结束不久,章开沅即勇于解放思想,呼吁打破对中国资产阶级"立足于批"的精神枷锁,为实事求是地评价上升时期的中国资产阶级扫除了障碍;随后又在坚持马克思主义理论指导的前提下,开创"社会历史土壤学"这一辛亥革命史与中国资产阶级研究的新范式;倡导"上下延伸"与"横向会通"的新视野与新方法;并从概念、模式、类型、布局等若干方面提出改进研究中国资产阶级方法的一系列精辟见解。作为研究辛亥革命与中国资产阶级的著名学者,章开沅不仅在专题实证研究方面取得了大量有影响的高水平成果,而且在研究理论与方法方面,高屋建瓴地引领辛亥革命与中国资产阶级研究不断向纵深拓展,发挥了十分突出的作用与影响。  相似文献   

8.
戊戌时期女子教育思想是资产阶级维新派所倡导的以救亡图存为首的变法维新运动的一项重要内容。而近代维新运动的杰出代表梁启超非常重视和关注广大妇女的解放问题,为女子教育构建出完整的思想体系,为中国女子教育发展做出了伟大的贡献,是中国近代史上提倡妇女教育、兴办女学的积极实践者。其中,他的某些观点不仅在当时有重要影响,即使在今天仍值得借鉴。  相似文献   

9.
南京参议院议员人数与《临时约法》的效力   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
一般认为《临时约法》的制定和颁布是南京参议院最重要的立法成就之一。它粗线条地勾勒了中华民国过渡时期政治体制的基本轮廓,通过法律形式确立了自由、平等等资产阶级的立国原则,对近代中国政治发展产生了深远影响。但笔翻阅有关资料发现,关于《临时约法》是否有效的问题还有不同声音。  相似文献   

10.
这里,我们将讨论一个人们从来没有注意的组织——中华民国工党。 中华民国工党是民国初年,中国共产党成立以前出现的一种工人组织。我们知道,在民国初年,曾经有过好些自称代表中国工人级级的利益、并从事工人运动的“政党”出现。这些“政党”往往只是当时某些资产阶级、小资产阶级政客们猎取  相似文献   

11.
There has been a recurring argument in Australia about how the Senate should exercise its constitutional power to amend government legislation that it receives from the House of Representatives. Much less attention has been paid to how the Senate has exercised this power, and how often Senate amendments have resulted in legislative changes that governments otherwise would not have made. This article explores the legislative record and finds that, during the Howard ministry, Senate amendments did not often provoke negotiations leading to bicameral compromise. Most often, the House either agreed to the Senate's amendments, many of which were government proposals, or disagreed to them. In the latter cases, the Senate most often gave way, instead of insisting on the legislative changes it already had approved.  相似文献   

12.
This prosopographical article demonstrates that the traditional British landed interest suffered very little by the terms of the 1832 Reform Act. They maintained their customary dominance of the house of commons, although voting records show that they had lost some of their ability to push legislation through the House that spoke to their more parochial interests. By contrast, the 1867 Reform Act caused serious erosion of their legislative power in the Commons. The 1874 election, especially in Ireland, saw great landowners losing their county seats to tenant farmers. Democracy was coming to Britain; just not as soon as some would have it.  相似文献   

13.
中国自然保护地立法模式探析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
徐本鑫 《旅游科学》2010,24(5):17-24
建立自然保护地是有效保护和合理利用自然资源的重要举措。法制建设是自然保护地建设和管理的重要基础与有力保障。自然保护地建设过程中发生的种种矛盾,归根到底是利益相关者之间的利益冲突,为此政府必须提供平衡各方利益的制度保障。中国现有的类型化部门立法与其他法律规范相结合的自然保护地立法模式存在立法层级低、法制协调性不足、立法体系封闭、保护对象不明确等缺陷。考虑到自然的整体性和调整利益冲突的有效性,我们应该选择综合性框架立法作为中国自然保护地立法的理想模式。  相似文献   

14.
王文 《人文地理》2011,26(5):153-157
随着旅游业的繁荣和世界各国对非物质文化遗产保护的重视,在旅游过程中如何促进作为重要旅游资源的非物质文化遗产的保护,实现旅游与非物质文化遗产保护的双赢与互动显得尤为重要。非物质文化遗产与旅游契合于文化性。在依法治国的背景下,以旅游法为载体,通过旅游法的体系化实现对非物质文化遗产的保护是可行而科学的。我国应通过制定旅游基本法、行政法规与部门规章、省级地方旅游法规等法律,实现对非物质文化遗产从宏观到微观多方位的保护。  相似文献   

15.
Do finite time horizons constrain a legislature's ability to control the bureaucracy? I argue that legislators subject to legislative term limits enact legislation with less statutory discretion today to ensure that their preferences are implemented by the bureaucracy tomorrow since most legislators will not be around to monitor the bureaucracy over the long term. Although past works suggest that legislative term limits decrease legislatures' rate of bureaucratic oversight, I find that term‐limited legislatures use ex ante means of bureaucratic control to a greater extent by granting less statutory discretion to the bureaucracy.  相似文献   

16.
唯物史观在我国早期的传播   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
唯物史观是中国共产党所遵循的基本指导理论 ,早在中共成立以前 ,中国的仁人志士就开始宣传介绍这一理论。清末的资产阶级革命派、改良派以及无政府主义者 ,都涉猎过关于唯物史观的介绍。马克思主义关于经济是社会存在的基础、阶级和阶级斗争、人类社会历史发展阶段等理论观点 ,都被他们所重视而先后提到 ,形成唯物史观在中国的早期传播历程。唯物史观在中国的早期传播 ,壮大了清末国人开展的反帝反封建斗争 ,为后来马克思主义在中国大地生根开花准备了一定的条件  相似文献   

17.
This article investigates the creation of Natal's 1897 Immigration Restriction Act and traces the legislative connections between southern Africa and Australia. It describes Natal's anti-Indian agitation of 1896–97 and argues that the colony's government initially sought to solve the ‘Asiatic question’ by adopting a racial immigration bill passed in New South Wales in 1896. However, the threat of violent extra-legal action by white settlers convinced the Natal government to replace this bill with one that made no direct reference to race. Natal ministers realised that racial legislation would face constitutional obstacles and were anxious to enact a restrictive immigration law without delay. The new Act was partly modelled on American immigration legislation and, though not explicit on race, its educational test was primarily designed to restrict Indian immigration. The Natal law was in turn used as the basis for Australian immigration legislation. Given these transnational connections, Natal's response to the ‘Indian question’ should be placed in a global context.  相似文献   

18.
Presidents use legislative powers in many ways to influence environmental policy. The relationship between partisanship and the use of these powers is an open question. Previous research has shown that legislative powers such as the passage of legislation and budgetary decisions display bipartisan effects. This study argues that this does not hold true for veto power. Presidents of different parties approach environmental legislation differently and use vetoes in dissimilar ways. Understanding these differences allows for a better comprehension of how environmental policy decisions are made and the role of presidents in this process.  相似文献   

19.
This article examines the unsuccessful attempts made from 1833 to 1842 by Middlesex's justices of the peace to obtain a local statute allowing them to pay a salary to their chairman. Instead of securing such an act, they had to settle for a statute enacted by the government, a statute authorising the government to appoint their chairman for judicial proceedings. The article uses the story of Middlesex's attempt to obtain a salary for the chairman to examine: justices' attempts to reform the office of chairman of county Sessions; the limited powers of justices in their county Sessions; and the centralising aspirations of central government. The statute that the government produced in 1844 originated as a public bill. In contrast, the statute that Middlesex had attempted to obtain originated as private bills. The statute enacted by the government contained defects that probably would not have marred a statute enacted under the rules governing private bills. So, this article uses the legislative misadventures of the government's bill to compare the procedures for enactment of public and private bills. The article therefore provides a case study of mid‐19th‐century legislative procedures governing enactment of local legislation, while arguing that, as of the mid 19th century, parliament had not developed procedures appropriate to both representative government and a centralising central government using public bills for local matters.  相似文献   

20.
周继红  苏永生 《攀登》2007,26(4):124-127
青藏高原地区重要的生态地位和特殊的生态环境决定了在该地区发展交通事业与生态环境保护之间形成了一定的矛盾,而在法制的轨道上实现交通良性发展,是建设社会主义法治国家的基本要求。因而,为了解决发展交通事业与生态环境保护之间的矛盾,必须确立以人与自然和谐相处为重要内容的立法指导思想,确立以可持续发展和国家干预为重要内容的立法原则。同时,应当将管理型立法与促进型立法相结合,并将其作为该地区交通立法的基本模式。  相似文献   

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