松井石根战争责任的再检讨——东京审判有关南京暴行罪被告方证词检证之一

东京审判判处南京暴行第一责任人松井石根绞刑,但所判只是普通战争罪的“不作为”,否定了公诉方提出的“对和平之罪”的相关罪名。由此产生了两个问题,一是最高量刑和消极责任的问题,二是甲级战犯名实是否相符的问题。后者尤有重大意义。本文通过比对、检讨被告、辩护人的证词和他们事发时自己的记录,证明影响免责判决的松井石根的消极虚像为被告方刻意编造,东京审判对松井石根的免责判决为在缺乏证据情况下做出的不当判决。松井石根列名甲级战犯确有所当,并无“冤枉”可言。     

国民政府对东京审判的态度评析——以《中央日报》报道评论为中心

日本投降后,盟国在东京成立了远东国际军事法庭,对日本甲级战犯进行审判。中国作为东京审判的参与国,派出了法官与检察官,积极支持东京审判。无论是远东国际军事法庭的成立、法庭的审理,以及对日本战犯的最终判决,中国最重要的官方报纸《中央日报》均给予了高度关注。由于东京审判符合中国的根本利益,因此《中央日报》的报道和评论充分反映...     

松井石根与南京大屠杀的几个问题

侵华日军南京大屠杀的主犯松井石根,作为甲级战犯,早在1948年底就被推上了绞刑架。但是,对于远东国际军事法庭这一严正判决,直至现在还有人持有不同看法。日本国内否定南京大屠杀客观事实的“虚构”论者公开为松井石根鸣冤叫屈,鼓吹所谓的     

东京审判对于重光葵的审理

重光葵作为日本职业外交官,活跃于大正与昭和时代,先后出任日本驻华公使、驻苏大使、驻英大使、外务大臣和大东亚大臣。战后远东国际军事法庭审判中,重光葵以甲级战犯嫌疑人身份受审。在重光葵的个人辩护环节,其美籍辩护律师弗内斯以欧美外交人员和新闻业者的证词为重光葵说项,聚焦九一八事变前后中日交涉、"一·二八"淞沪停战谈判、1940—1941年日英密谈等多个事件中重光葵所起的作用,强调重光葵是"和平"外交原则的实践者,进行无罪辩护。在东京审判中,众多战胜国人员为甲级战犯嫌疑人提供辩护证词的案例并不多见,这是重光葵成为甲级战犯中获刑最轻者的重要原因之一。对重光葵的审判体现了东京审判的程序合法性,同时也反映了东京审判的局限性。     

东京审判南京大屠杀案的辩护——以控、辩双方质证为中心的考察

东京审判中,日本战犯及其辩护律师进行了长时间的辩护.他们对起诉方的出庭证人和宣誓证词进行了质证,但未能在整体上形成否定性印象.辩护方提出了自己的出庭证人和宣誓证词,但在起诉方律师的强力质证下暴露了谎言.松井石根进行了自我辩护,但经质证,无法推托其犯罪责任.最终,国际军事法庭判决南京大屠杀案成立,松井石根被绳之以法.     

东京审判与中国

东京审判是日本战败投降后反法西斯盟国依法对日本甲级战犯进行的国际军事审判。中国作为盟国的重要成员和日本侵略战争的最大受害国派员参加了东京审判。中国参加审判的法官、检察官及其助理人员怀着高度的责任心和使命感,积极参与了审判,为审判的成功进行做出了贡献．特别是在揭露日本主要侵华战犯的罪行并加以严惩方面起到了重要作用。但是,由于审判是在美国的主导下进行的,国民党政府又对审判重视不够。对审判的复杂性估计不足,使中国未能在审判中发挥应有的更大的作用,这不能不说是中国参加东京审判的一大憾事。     

日本“拜鬼”都是美国大兵惹的祸?

近年来,包括安倍晋三在内的日本高层官员参拜靖国神社一事不仅引起了中国、韩国等亚洲各国的抗议,就连日本的同盟大哥美国也表示“失望”.但是,东条英机等7名日本甲级战犯的骨灰缘何能够保存并进入靖国神社?这与美军士兵的疏忽有着莫大的关系. 1946年1月,由中国、美国、苏联等11国法官在东京组成远东国际军事法庭,开始审判日本战犯,最终判处东条英机、土肥原贤二、松井石根、广田宏毅、木村兵太郎和武藤章等7名日本甲级战犯绞刑.1948年12月23日零时,这7名战犯被送上断头台,其尸体在全副武装的美国军队押送下,秘密送往横滨久保山火葬场火化.     

正义的东京审判

战后,日本右翼势力对远东国际军事法庭(东京审判)审判犯有破坏和平罪、战争罪和违反人道罪的28名甲级战犯,一直耿耿于怀,妄图翻案.他们抛出的一个论调,就是"远东国际军事法庭非法论".     

跨越国界的历史认识——顾若鹏《从人到鬼,从鬼到人:日本战争罪行与中国审判》读后

正战后盟国对日本战犯进行了大规模的审判,其中包括设立在东京的远东国际军事法庭对甲级战犯的审判,以及盟国在亚太地区设立的法庭对乙丙级战犯的审判。除此以外,还包括与上述审判不在同一法理体系和框架的日本战犯审判,如苏联主导的伯力审判和1949年后新中国政府主导的沈阳和太原审判。(1)战后对日本战犯的审判,由于涉及战争责任的确定和国际正义的实现等"大义名分"问题,一直以来都被视为中日两国"历史纠葛"的源头。相对而言,学界对各盟国主导的乙丙级战犯审判的关注,远不如对甲级战犯的国际审判。此外,相对于中日两国学界,西方学界对战后     

东京国际军事审判的历史意义不容抹杀

东京审判事关对日本侵略的盖棺论定与战后日本的政治转型,因此从东京审判的辩方到日本右翼,攻击东京审判从未间断。20世纪80年代起,随着日本政要参拜靖国神社,日本政要在公开场合也开始公然否定东京审判。以后随着日本社会整体右转,东京审判在日本的一般观感中,已然被贴上了负面标签。日本右翼也号称东京审判的正义性、合法性已被推翻。另一方面,回溯东京审判以及长时间的争论历程,日本学术界,特别是法学界对东京审判的评价即使与中国学界不尽相同,甚至很不相同,也并没有出现整体性的翻转。东京审判最重要的历史意义没有也不可能动摇,更不可能被推翻。     

Wages of War: Manufacturing Nationalism During World War II

Abstract: During World War II the state created a new and deeper set of relationships with defense contractors. These contractors manufactured the vast majority of war materials and relied extensively on the state for financing. These same contractors also encouraged workers and civilians to understand their every minute action as contributing to the war effort. In order to fully integrate workers’ and civilians’ lives into the war effort, the state and industry created and distributed a war wage—a sense of contribution, national belonging, and sacrifice. In this paper I analyze the wartime records of the Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Company in order to understand how the state and industry created the war wage alongside the military–industrial complex. With the help of the war wage, the state and industry radically expanded the production of war materials and enlisted a more compliant population of workers and civilians into the war effort.     

War is its Own Justification: What Americans Think about War

Abstract

The authors deal with the morality of war in American culture. They argue that a war ethics that was characteristic of the Cold War has given way to a warrior ethics as it has developed in post-Vietnam America, in print media, popular sentiment, and film. According to this warrior ethics, the citizenry's support for soldiers, regardless of the justice of war, is understood to create social solidarity. Wars are easily justified because, at bottom, war is understood to be its own justification. It unites a country. This popular conception of war both props up more high-minded, political rationales for war and undermines traditional just war ethics. The article uses the war in Iraq as a case study. It analyzes the Bush administration's defense of the war alongside similar accounts of the just war theory given by Richard John Neuhaus, Michael Novak, and George Weigel.

"As a moral problem, war is ultimately a problem of policy, and therefore a problem of social morality." John Courtney Murray     

Gettysburg and the Great War

Fifty years after the conclusion of the Civil War, the town of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania faced the challenge of another war. From 1914 to 1917, the townspeople followed events in Europe closely, becoming vehement supporters of the American entry into the war by April 1917. In 1918, the Gettysburg Battlefield became inundated with American soldiers for the second time in its history, as doughboys trained for overseas service on the site of Pickett’s Charge. This paper considers the way the town of Gettysburg reacted to and mobilized for the First World War. It explores the notion of a ‘forgotten’ American war in a place that is perpetually haunted by war memories.     

Algorithmic War: Everyday Geographies of the War on Terror

Abstract:  Technologies that deploy algorithmic calculation are becoming ubiquitous to the homeland securitization of the war on terror. From the surveillance networks of the city subway to the biometric identifiers of new forms of border control, the possibility to identify "association rules" between people, places, objects and events has brought the logic of pre-emption into the most mundane and prosaic spaces. Yet, it is not the case that the turn to algorithmic calculation simply militarizes society, nor even that we are witnessing strictly a commercialization of security. Rather, algorithmic war is one form of Foucault's sense of a "continuation of war by other means", where the war-like architectures of self/other, here/there, safe/risky, normal/suspicious are played out in the politics of daily life. This paper explores the situated interplay of algorithmic practices across commercial, security, and military spheres, revealing the violent geographies that are concealed in the glossy techno-science of algorithmic calculation.     

Religion,Greed, and the Insanity of War

Abstract

This article quantifies only a brief encounter with the violent intersection of religion, business, and war. It surveys war in the modern world by including the following topics: the effects of war such as environmental degradation; psychological costs, including post-traumatic stress syndrome and chronic fatigue syndrome; violence against females; children at war; costs of war; causes of war and globalization. It wonders if there is such a thing as a killer-instinct that needs an antidote. Several religions from East and West, violent and non-violent, are discussed against the backdrop of war noting the presence of warrior gods and sacrifice. Finally the economic and pseudo-creative benefits of war are summarized. Selvidge poses a final question to readers, "How can we change the direction of a world gone mad?"     

War and city size: The asymmetric effects of the Spanish Civil War

Populations are affected by shocks of different kinds, and wars, a priori, may be among the most prominent. This article studies the effect of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) shock on the distribution of population, especially on cities. One of the main contributions of this study is that it underlines the importance of distinguishing between winning and losing sides, an aspect which until now has been largely overlooked. While previous research on war shocks has also tended to be concerned with inter-state wars, this paper concentrates on a civil war. We take advantage of a new, long-term, annual data set. Our results show that, overall, the Spanish Civil War did not have a significant effect on city growth. However, we also find a significant and negative effect in the growth of cities that aligned themselves with the losing side. These results are robust to heterogeneity in the effect of the war shock, measured as war severity and duration. Although short lived, the temporary effect on growth results in a permanent effect on the size of cities on the losing side.     

Tyrtaeus and the Civilian Poet of the Crimean War

Recent scholarship has delved into the impact of newspaper press upon Crimean War poetry and highlighted the challenges of war representation facing non-combatant poets. The Crimean conflict (1854–56), this essay will show, was not only a ‘media war’ but also a ‘literary’ one, during which mid-Victorian commentators and poets consciously reworked an array of established traditions of war poetry, especially those of Tyrtaeus, the Greek martial poet of the seventh century, to negotiate the duties and artistic endeavours of the civilian poet. Tracing the construction of a ‘Tyrtaean’ tradition from the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars (1793–1815), it explores how a Romantic reworking of Tyrtaeus’ war songs served as a precedent for the civilian poets of the Crimean conflict, and how newspaper reports of the suffering of soldiers intensified a widespread scepticism of the civilian’s knowledge and bodily experience of war, which in turn instigated a reconfiguration of the ‘Tyrtaean’ poet. It argues that whilst the poetic efforts of Tom Taylor, Louisa Shore, and Alfred Tennyson to refashion the figure of the civilian manifest Crimean War poets’ anxiety about their non-combatant status and the use of poetry, they evacuated the ‘Tyrtaean mode’, a poetic mode intended to arouse people’s patriotic sentiment and exhort them to military action, forging a new image of war poet within their work marked by the civilian’s detachment from the spectacle of war and critical engagement with distant suffering.     

Attitudes toward War in the United States and Iran

Understanding the determinants of attitudes toward war is important for the prevention of military conflicts and the promotion of peaceful conflict resolution. To examine American and Iranian attitudes toward war, questionnaires were administered to American and Iranian college students in the United States and Iran respectively. The results of the study revealed that American students generally have more positive attitudes toward war than Iranian students. Since most Iranians in the sample experienced eight years of war with Iraq whereas Americans never had direct experience of war, it was predicted that direct experiences of military action could explain this cross-national difference. Among Iranians those who experienced the Iran–Iraq war had more negative attitudes toward war compared to Iranians who did not have such experiences. The results further demonstrated that being authoritarian, religious and male were independently related to having positive attitudes toward war in both samples.     

鸦片战争时期的战俘问题

战俘问题一直是人类文明史上一个值得关注的问题:不同文明冲突过程中,如何对待和处理战俘,体现着冲突双方的观念、相互认知和交往方式.鸦片战争史研究中,战俘问题一直是被忽略的战争组成部分.鸦片战争时期战俘的获取、处置、交涉,以及其中反映出的观念,是我们了解这场战争的一个侧面,也是由此观察清王朝的一个视角.     

马里时代西亚战争惯例初探

在马里时代,西亚诸国逐步发展出制约战争的惯例。在发动战争之前,要为战争找到合法的理由,同时需要获得神明的赞同和友邦的支持,更为重要的是,要进行公开宣战。在战后对战败国的处理上,虽然存在野蛮的毁城杀人的向例,但是较为人道的战争惯例逐步发展起来:有限摧毁敌方城市,善待敌方战俘与百姓以及掩埋敌方阵亡者尸体等。马里时代的战争惯例,继承了公元前3千纪的某些战争惯例,同时又对古代西亚战争的惯例做出了新发展。马里时代战争惯例的形成,与此时大国争霸、同盟化战争以及战争的频繁有着密切关系。战争的巨大破坏力,也促使较为人道的战争惯例出现,它们代表了古代西亚战争惯例的发展方向,具有进步意义。