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1.
杨绪 《史学集刊》2012,(3):123-128
1944年4月11日美国国务院公布了《美国对外石油政策》报告。该报告将石油利益确定为美国国家安全利益的核心,其主要内容是:在中东地区推行"门户开放"政策,将大西洋宪章的"机会均等"原则运用于战后美国对外石油资源的争夺中;提出了美国对外石油供应的"半球"石油政策,即"东半球"的石油主要由中东地区供应,"西半球"的石油由美洲地区供应。美国对外石油政策的目标是攫取和控制中东地区的石油资源,保护美国国内的石油资源储备。考察《美国对外石油政策》报告的主要内容及其形成的过程,揭示美国战后对外石油政策的本质,有益于全面认识美国构建战后石油安全战略的全貌。  相似文献   

2.
The rapid and unpredictable changes in the Middle East collectively known as the “Arab Spring” are posing tremendous challenges to U.S. policy formation and action. This article will explore and evaluate evolving U.S. policy in the Middle East and its potential implications. There has always been a tension in American foreign policy between pursuing American “values” (foreign policy idealism) and protecting American “interests” (foreign policy realism). For decades, the United States has sought to “make the world safe for democracy,” while at the same time often supporting repressive, nondemocratic regimes because of national security or economic self‐interest. The tension between these two fundamentally distinct policy orientations has become even more pronounced as the United States tries to respond to the Arab Spring uprisings. Why did the United States actively support the rebels in Libya but not the protestors in Syria or Bahrain? Is there an emerging, coherent “Obama Doctrine” on intervention in Arab countries, or was Libya just a “one‐off” event? These are some of the questions that this article will attempt to answer.  相似文献   

3.
The tension between “international order” and justice has long been a focus of critical attention of many scholars. Today, with the rise of the humanitarian crises, the debate is once again visible, and Turkish foreign policy is one of the most important areas of observation of this tension. Indeed, the U.S.‐led invasion of Iraq in 2003 paved the way for Turkey to actively engage in regional affairs. Meanwhile, the need to bring human justice into world politics makes Turkish foreign policy decision makers operate on a much more humanitarian basis. Nevertheless, active humanitarian engagement poses an important challenge to traditional Turkish foreign policy as it is mainly based on the notion of “non‐interference,” as well as on the elementary components of international order, by raising suspicions on the intentions of the Turkish authorities. This article aims to explore the challenges Turkey has been facing since the U.S.‐led invasion of Iraq, and diagnose Turkish foreign policy vis‐à‐vis Iraq in the shadow of the Syrian civil war from Hedley Bull's framework of “order” and “justice.” It argues that Turkey's recent fluctuations in the Middle East could be linked to Turkey's failure to reconcile the requirements of “order” with those of “justice” and the Turkish governing party's (AKP) attempts to use justice as an important instrument to consolidate its power both in Turkey and in the Middle East.  相似文献   

4.
Between 1961 and 1963, a political crisis in Iran prompted U.S. foreign-policy makers to briefly consider supporting political reform that would have pushed the Shah toward a more constitutional role and moved Iran toward democracy. Yet Washington instead decided to bolster the Shah's regime to carry out social and economic reforms that coalesced as the Shah's White Revolution in 1963. Policy-makers relied in part on a psychological profile of Iran to shape their decisions, believing that the Iranian people were psychologically unprepared to rule, and that the Shah was psychologically unprepared to give up power. This article encourages diplomatic historians to explore how the language and ideas of psychology influenced the modernization theories and policies that U.S. policy-makers applied to Iran, the Middle East, and the wider ‘Third World.’ After briefly exploring the history of U.S. racial, religious, and cultural perceptions of Iran - many of which fit traditional stereotypes of Orientalism - the article examines the influence of political and developmental psychology at a time when racial and religious bias were increasingly taboo. Psychology offered more acceptable, scientific ways to understand Iran and the Middle East, though it led to familiar conclusions. While attempting to modernize Iran, policy-makers modernized Orientalism.  相似文献   

5.
The Arab Spring, a revolutionary movement for democracy that swept across the Arab Middle East in 2010, has contributed to the downfall of several oppressive authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen. The movement represented several uprisings that placed the United States in a precarious position. While the uprisings have shaken U.S. policy to the core, they also presented a historic opportunity for American policymakers to craft a new and comprehensive policy that is compatible with the much‐coveted principles of democracy, freedom, and justice in a region that has historically been unable to grasp such principles. This article argues that the American administration under President Barak Obama squandered this opportunity by pursuing an incoherent and inconsistent policy. This policy revealed Obama's support of the uprisings calls for political reforms that aligned with American liberal values. However, the policy also reflected a commitment to ensure security and stability by maintaining autocratic regimes the protesters hoped to overthrow. This article demonstrates that the policy lacked consistency and clarity as it shifted from one uprising to another.  相似文献   

6.
Walter Armbrust 《外交史》2004,28(2):281-284
Book reviewed:
McAlister, Melani. Epic Encounters: Culture, Media, and U.S. Interests in the Middle East.  相似文献   

7.
20世纪40年代以来土耳其奉行亲西方,尤其是亲美的一边倒外交政策,土耳其中东外交服务于其西方战略,长期以中立和不介入为主要特征。20世纪90年代世界政治格局的变化使得土耳其必须重新调整其中东外交政策,海湾战争为土耳其重新实践其外交政策提供了机遇,土耳其在中东开始采取积极、主动的新型外交政策。海湾战争成为土耳其中东外交的分水岭。海湾战争中,土耳其积极介入中东事务的政策与土耳其亲西方的外交政策恰好吻合;伊拉克战争则表明土耳其中东外交与其亲西方外交之间的不协调性。  相似文献   

8.
After World War II, the Middle East stage attracted Beijing's attention. While Israel and China proved at that time to be too diverse, through the 1950s China made inroads with Arab countries. Egypt became the first to recognize the P.R.C., which, however, suffered rebuffs as anti-Communist forces generally prevailed in the Middle East. Beijing supported the people of Palestine. After the Soviet Union had become China's enemy, China tried to unite the Third World against the two superpowers. With Deng in 1978, China's Middle Eastern policy became more pragmatic, tilting toward the developed countries and economic cooperation rather than ideology (e.g., with Yemen). China enhanced relations with Gulf states; cooperated with the United States in supporting the Afghan mujahedin; and declared neutrality in the Iran-Iraq War, although economic alliance with Iran grew. The Gulf War affected Beijing's attitudes toward weapons technology and toward the United Nations and China's role in it. Israel is currently viewed as a channel for possible influence with the West. Overall, China's basic policy now is to watch and wait.  相似文献   

9.
Books reviewed in this article:
Burton I. Kaufman, The Arab Middle East and the United States: Inter-Arab Rivalry and Super-Power Diplomacy
Michael W. Suleiman (ed.), U.S. Policy on Palestine from Wilson to Clinton  相似文献   

10.
第一次石油危机中日本对中东政策的转折   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
李凡 《史学月刊》2002,(8):89-94
在第一次石油危机期间,中东产油国把石油武器不仅对准支持以色列的美国等国家,也对准了持“中立”政策的日本等国家。日本一方面面临中东产油国不断加大压力,国内经济出现混乱,另一方面担心得罪美国而影响日美同盟关系,不敢轻举妄动。最后,为了维持以石油为主要能源的日本经济正常运转,日本政府不得不放弃“中立”政策,转而公开支持阿拉伯国家正义事业,并且提供巨额资金及技术援助中东有关国家,加强与中东有关国家关系,确保中东石油平稳供应。  相似文献   

11.
Book reviews     
《International affairs》2005,81(3):635-667
International Relations theory Legitimacy in international society. By Ian Clark. International society and its critics. Edited by Alex J. Bellamy. Negotiated revolutions: the Czech Republic, South Africa and Chile. By George Lawson. International law and organization The impact of international law on international cooperation: theoretical perspectives. Edited by Eyal Benvenisti and Moshe Hirsch. Foreign relations Strategic partners: Russian‐Chinese relations in the post‐Soviet era. By Jeanne L. Wilson. Conflict, security and armed forces International governance of war‐torn territories: rule and reconstruction. By Richard Caplan. Enforcing the peace: learning from the imperial past. By Kimberly Zisk Marten. Politics, democracy and social affairs War and the American presidency. By Arthur M. Schlesinger. The accidental American: Tony Blair and the presidency. By James Naughtie. Al‐Jazeera: how Arab TV news challenged the world. By Hugh Miles. History Constructing the U.S. rapprochement with China, 1961–1974: from red menace to tacit ally. By Evelyn Goh. Histories of the hanged: Britain's dirty war in Kenya and the end of the empire. By David Anderson. The lion and the springbok: Britain and South Africa since the Boer War. By Ronald Hyam and Peter Henshaw. Hindu rulers, Muslim subjects: Islam, rights and the history of Kashmir. By Mridu Rai. British documents on the end of empire. East of Suez and the Commonwealth, 1964–1971. Part I: East of Suez. Edited by S. R. Ashton and Wm. Roger Louis. British documents on the end of empire. East of Suez and the Commonwealth, 1964–1971. Part II: Europe, Rhodesia, Commonwealth. Edited by S. R. Ashton and Wm. Roger Louis. British documents on the end of empire. East of Suez and the Commonwealth, 1964–1971. Part III: Dependent territories, Africa, economics, race. Edited by S. R. Ashton and Wm. Roger Louis. Europe The EU, NATO and the integration of Europe: rules and rhetoric. By Frank Schimmelfennig. Theft of a nation: Romania since communism. By Tom Gallagher. Russia and the former Soviet republics Russia in the 21st century: the prodigal superpower. By Steven Rosefielde. Russian military reform: 1992–2002. Edited by Anne C. Aldis and Roger N. McDermott. Central Asia and the Caucasus: transnationalism and diaspora. Edited by Touraj Atabaki and Sanjyot Mehendale. Middle East and North Africa International relations of the Middle East. Edited by Louise Fawcett. Iran, Iraq, and the legacies of war. Edited by Lawrence G. Potter and Gary G. Sick. Asia and Pacific Exit the dragon? Privatization and state control in China. Edited by Stephen Green and Guy S. Liu. North America The new American empire: a 21st‐century teach‐in on US foreign policy. Edited by Lloyd C. Gardner and Marilyn B. Young. Latin America and Caribbean Bananas and business: the United Fruit Company in Colombia, 1899–2000. By Marcelo Bucheli. The strategic dynamics of Latin American trade. Edited by Vinod K. Aggarwal, Ralph H. Espach and Joseph S. Tulchin. America's other war: terrorizing Colombia. By Doug Stokes.  相似文献   

12.
In the aftermath of the Arab Spring the Middle East has plunged into a state of instability. The United States has responded to these rising insecurities in a region of strategic importance with hesitation or half‐hearted commitments. The Obama administration, plagued by the increasingly difficult decision of defining America's role in an apolar world while managing the political and economic legacy of the Bush administration, has relied on a policy of delegation. Obama neither refrained from military options nor showed any willingness to commit American ground troops to one of the strategically and operationally most complex environments of the world. Instead, Obama's preferred way of war is one relying on surrogates—both human and technological—that allow the United States to externalize, partially or wholly, the strategic, operational and tactical burden of warfare. Unlike any other previous US administration surrogate warfare has become the principal means of protecting US interests in the Middle East that are perceived to be all but vital. The need for deniability and legitimacy, cost–benefit considerations as well as the lack of capability have made warfare by surrogate a preferred option in the Middle East. The consequences for US policy in the region are profound, as the lack of control and oversight have empowered surrogates whose long‐term interests are not compatible with those of the United States. More severely, the US might have jeopardized its standing as the traditional guarantor of security in the Middle East— something that partners and adversaries alike have exploited.  相似文献   

13.
The field of Refugee Studies is relatively unfamiliar to Middle East area specialists despite the significance of refugees in the region. The strong policy orientation of much of the work in the field has often shaped the way refugee issues are framed by scholars as well as practitioners. Concerns and discourses about refugee‐producing regions in general, and the Arab Middle East in particular, have tended to reflect Western notions of belonging, citizenship, and the state; and in recent years, have been seen through a lens of securitization in the region. This article addresses the development of the field, the subject of displacement and dispossession in the Arab Middle East from a Western perspective, the significant role that Arab cities play as sites for hosting refugees, and the challenges presented by the continued existence of Palestinian refugees.  相似文献   

14.
艾森豪威尔主义是20世纪50年代美国艾森豪威尔政府出台的中东政策,旨在引导部分阿拉伯国家参与其全球遏制战略,共同抵御苏联对中东地区的渗透,它构成了其后几十年美国中东政策的基础.而艾森豪威尔主义是在欧米加计划不能有效处理中东问题的基础上诞生的,是对欧米加计划的公开阐明,这突出体现了美国中东政策的连续性.  相似文献   

15.
Book reviewed in this article: Persistent Permeability? regionalism, localism, and globalization in the Middle East: by Bassel F. Salloukh and Rex Brynen, eds. A History of the Modern Middle East: by William L. Cleveland Middle East at the Crossroads: the Changing Political Dynamics and the Foreign Policy Challenges: by Manochehr Dorraj, ed. Conflict and Peace in the Middle East: National Perceptions and United States‐Jordan Relations: by Hatem Shareef Abu‐Lebdeh Nation‐Building: A Middle East Recovery Program: by Jerry M. Rosenberg  相似文献   

16.
zach  levey 《外交史》2005,29(2):379-382
Book reviewed:
Warren Bass. Support Any Friend: Kennedy's Middle East and the Making of the U.S.-Israel Alliance . New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. 336 pp. Notes, bibliography, index. $30.00 (hardcover).  相似文献   

17.
Book reviews     
《International affairs》2011,87(5):1229-1278
Books reviewed in this issue. International Relations theory The global 1989: continuity and change in world politics. Edited by George Lawson, Chris Armbruster and Michael Cox. International Relations and non‐western thought: imperialism, colonialism and investigations of global modernity. Edited by Robbie Shilliam. International organization and foreign policy China, the United States, and global order. By Rosemary Foot and Andrew Walter. The Persian Gulf and Pacific Asia: from indifference to interdependence. By Christopher Davidson. Vortex of conflict: U.S. policy toward Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq. By Dan Caldwell. Coalitions of convenience: United States military interventions after the Cold War. By Sarah E. Kreps. The practice of public diplomacy: confronting challenges abroad. Edited by William A. Rugh. Conflict, security and defence Terror in our time. By Ken Booth and Tim Dunne. The gun: the AK‐47 and the evolution of war. By Christopher John Chivers. The scientific way of warfare: order and chaos on the battlefields of modernity. By Antoine J. Bousquet. Governance, civil society and cultural politics Jihad in the West: the rise of militant Salafism. By Frazer Egerton. Political economy, economics and development Poor economics: a radical rethinking of the way to fight global poverty. By Abhijit V. Banerjee and Esther Duflo. The economics of enough: how to run the economy as if the future matters. By Diane Coyle. The illusion of free markets: punishment and the myth of natural order. By Bernard E. Harcourt. Energy, resources and environment The governance of climate change: science, politics and ethics. Edited by David Held, Angus Fane‐Hervey and Marika Theros. History Empire for liberty: a history of American imperialism from Benjamin Franklin to Paul Wolfowitz. By Richard H. Immerman. The other cold war. By Heonik Kwon. Europe Europe 2030. Edited by Daniel Benjamin. Russia and Eurasia Russia as a network state: what works in Russia when state institutions do not? Edited by Vadim Kononenko and Arkady Moshes. Putin's oil: the Yukos affair and the struggle for Russia. By Martin Sixsmith. Russian energy security and foreign policy. Edited by Adrian Dellecker and Thomas Gomart. The crisis of Russian democracy: the dual state, factionalism and the Medvedev succession. By Richard Sakwa. Tretii put' … k rabstvu. By Andrei Piontkovsky. Voyennaya kontrrazvedka: istorya, sobytiya, lyudi. Edited by V. S. Khristoforov, S. A. Korenkov, A. Bondarenko et al. Middle East and North Africa Fuel on the fire: oil and politics in occupied Iraq. By Greg Muttitt. Hizbullah's identity construction. By Joseph Alagha. Islamist terrorism and democracy in the Middle East. By Katerina Dalacoura. Sub‐Saharan Africa The Lord's Resistance Army: myth and reality. Edited by Tim Allen and Koen Vlassenroot. Dancing in the glory of monsters: the collapse of the Congo and the great war of Africa. By Jason Stearns. South Asia Cables from Kabul: the inside story of the West's Afghanistan campaign. By Sherard Cowper‐Coles. Tinderbox: the past and future of Pakistan. By M. J. Akbar. Pakistan: from the rhetoric of democracy to the rise of militancy. Edited by Ravi Kalia. Afghanistan: how the West lost its way. By Tim Bird and Alex Marshall. East Asia and Pacific Ballot box China: grassroots democracy in the final major one‐party state. By Kerry Brown. North America Superpower illusions: how myths and false ideologies led America astray—and how to return to reality. By Jack F. Matlock Jr. US policy towards Cuba since the Cold War. By Jessica F. Gibbs. Latin America and Caribbean ¡Pachakutik! Indigenous movements and electoral politics in Ecuador. By Marc Becker. Pachakutik and the rise and decline of the Ecuadorian indigenous movement. By Kenneth J. Mijeski and Scott H. Beck.  相似文献   

18.
Karen Culcasi 《对极》2012,44(4):1099-1118
Abstract: The “Middle East” is a readily accepted geographical category throughout much of the world. However, within this ambiguous geographic entity, both the term and the idea of the “Middle East” are often rejected as western‐imperialist constructs. Through a critical examination of an extensive sample of maps produced within several Arab states of the “Middle East”, I found that the regional designation “Middle East” is nearly nonexistent, while the Arab Homeland is unequivocally a more common regional category. However, the “Middle East” did occasionally appear in a few maps. This paper provides an explanatory examination of the normative cartographic discourses in this region, and more focused analysis of the atypical maps of the “Middle East”. My analyses render unique insights into how the “Middle East” is both contested and re‐created from within a western‐imperialist defined region.  相似文献   

19.
The U.S. decision to send 14,000 marines to Lebanon during the civil war of 1958 exasperated Lebanese peoples. The American military intervention, as a result, contributed to a cultural process in which many Lebanese began to imagine the United States as an “imperial” force, inheriting the legacy of Empire in the Middle East and stepping into the shoes of former European imperial powers, Britain and France. While admiring U.S. values and cultures, Lebanese anti-colonialists, nationalists, and pan-Arabists expressed their antipathy vis-à-vis the “imperial” nature of Washington's involvement in their internal affairs. Others, primarily content with and invested in the socio-political status quo, stood by and exalted the American presence in their country.

Using Lebanon as a case study, this paper examines popular perceptions of and experiences with U.S. global power during the 1958 crisis. As a result, it goes beyond traditional interstate relations and combines top-down and bottom-up approaches in order to illuminate power negotiations between a global superpower, the United States, and the Arab masses of Lebanon. In this spirit, the voices and actions of national and local leaders, as well as everyday men and women are integrated into the global story of U.S. involvement in the Middle East.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract

The topic of this article is the historical evolution of Greek foreign policy in the Middle East over the past thirty-five years. It essentially seeks to explain the broad framework of conditions and objectives within which Greek foreign policy has been made towards the Arab Middle East and Israel. It argues that the amount of involvement of Greek foreign policy in the area was relatively little. Though much has changed in Greece's approach towards the Middle East since the 1990s, there is also a significant continuity of attitude, in the sense that serious attention has not been paid to this part of the world.  相似文献   

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