1958年中国改变户口自由迁移制度的历史原因

新中国初期,制定了重工业优先发展的战略。为此,中央政府不断地发布命令,阻止农民入城务工,以确保农业为工业建设提供充足的商品粮食。与此同时,为了稳定城市工业化建设队伍,中国逐渐地在计划经济体制下,把就业、粮食和社会福利等与城市户口挂钩,并于1958年中国取消了户口自由迁移制度。     

两代流动人口在城镇定居意愿的代际延续和变化——基于福建省的调查

本文利用一项福建省流动人口抽样调查资料,对两代流动人口在城镇定居意愿的差异进行了深入考察。结果表明,新生代流动人口在城镇的定居意愿虽已发生不同于第一代流动人口的变化,但在整体上仍延续了前者的特点而未发生从循环流动向在城镇定居的根本性转变。同时,两代流动人口在城镇的定居意愿除受到户籍制度的限制外,还受到流动人口在以劳动密集型行业为主导的次级劳动市场高度集中、就业不稳定、社会保障水平低、在城市的生存能力有限等状况的制约。这些结论对制定符合流动人口实际的相关政策具有重要启示。     

政府空间治理与地方产业发展响应——以重庆市电子信息产业为例

政府空间治理对地方发展具有深刻影响。西方学界在解释国家治理时有三个重要学说:非马克思主义理论、马克思主义理论和福柯学说,但并不能完全解释我国的政府治理结构。中国治理结构包含中央政府和地方政府等多个层次,各层次的行为能力和权力空间有所不同。改革开放以来,中央政府允许地方政府通过调节财税杠杆、土地、劳动力等要素进行地方治理模式创新。同时,地方政府积极争取成为由中央政府批准的特殊经济区,对本地制度环境进行改革和创新,以促进地方产业发展。本文以重庆市为例,结合6次深入调研,探讨政府如何通过财税、土地等多项改革,提升空间治理能力,创造差异化治理环境,以带动地方产业发展的积极响应。     

The origins of assisted British migrants to Queensland 1871–1892

The aim of the present government is to encourage the introduction of emigrants from the mother country and failing this from the continent of Europe (The Queensland Treasurer, 1875). This article examines the origins of British migrants to Queensland between 1871 and 1892, a period when the government assisted over 150,000 British migrants to the colony. At first most assisted migrants came from industrial-urban areas and, except those from Ireland, had limited knowledge of rural life. In the 1880s the government canvassed the agricultural counties of eastern England to attract farm workers. Consequently, these areas became major source regions for assisted emigrants. Many assisted migrants, however, still had limited experience of rural life and on arrival in the colony preferred either to live in town or to move south. Despite these failures sufficient numbers of assisted British migrants remained to ensure the growth of the colony's agricultural economy.     

Market mechanisms and migrant settlement intentions in urban China

This study examines the settlement intentions of migrants based on original survey data collected from four large Chinese cities. Despite the long-lasting institutional effects of the hukou (household registration) system, market mechanisms are becoming increasingly important in affecting migrant settlement intentions. Although rural hukou holders are more likely to return to their places of origin, migrants who have received higher education, who are self-employed or who own homes are more willing to permanently settle in cities. The influences of market mechanisms are also reflected in recent policy reforms related to education, housing and the hukou system.     

Political and institutional constraints on structural reforms: interpreting the Italian experience

During 2011 Italy reached the verge of a financial default because of its huge public debt. Neither the centre-right nor the centre-left governments that alternated in power in the 2000s were able to introduce the reforms necessary for reducing the debt and promoting growth. The impotence of the government became incompatible with the requirements of the country's continued presence in the eurozone. In November 2011, under the pressure of financial markets and eurozone institutions and leaders, the incumbent centre-right government was obliged to resign, and was substituted by a government composed of technocrats and experts, the Monti government. This lasted until December 2012 and was supported in parliament by a cross-partisan coalition; it was able to introduce some of the structural reforms required, because of the threat of default but also because it did not need to seek the electoral support of powerful constituencies. This article advances an interpretation of the Italian crisis of November 2011, identifying the political and institutional structures and the specific political conditions that fostered a policy stalemate in the country in the 2000s and whose persistence makes the continuation of reforms after the February 2013 elections uncertain.     

广州市外来人口居住隔离及影响因素研究

利用广州市人口普查街道(部分居委会)数据总结1990-2000年外来人口居住隔离的时空特征:隔离程度呈增加趋势,核心和外围区隔离程度及变化差异大,散点状为主的空间模式,并呈现异质性和非稳定性的社会特征。通过典型社区问卷访谈,对比外来人口与户籍低收入人口,建构影响因素的逻辑回归(Logistic regression)模型,显示户籍的属地差别是产生隔离的根本原因,与户籍属地管理相关的劳动力市场分割和住房政策共同构成了排斥的制度环境,限制了外来人口的住房选择,把其推向低端私人租房市场。在有限的居住选择下,交通和经济等个体择居要素影响了隔离空间的分布和社会特征,以城中村为代表低端私人租房来源的布局特征决定并固化了隔离空间的分布模式。     

The good, the bad and the confusing: the political economy of social care expansion in South Korea

Recent social policy reforms in South Korea indicate a progressive shift by a conservative government to modify the familialistic male breadwinner model that informs its welfare regime. The Korean government has demonstrated support for women through an increase in the provision, regulation and coordination of childcare and workplace support programmes for working parents. At the same time, labour market reforms have also created more pressures on women to seek and maintain paid work outside the home. Conflicting social and economic policy objectives have resulted in a confusing mix of policies, advancing and impeding gender equality at the same time. This contribution examines the recent family–work reconciliation policy reforms in Korea and discusses why these reforms may be good politics but a bad deal for women.     

Intellectuals,Economic Reform and Social Change: Constraints and Opportunities in the Formation of a Nigerian Technocracy

Crisis and economic reforms have changed the status of intellectuals and their relations with dominant élites and policy makers. Because of the technical and ideological nature of these reforms, policy makers have tended to rely on intellectuals as opposed to bureaucrats to shape the agenda of change. This has converted a large number of intellectuals into technocrats and undermined the fabric of academic life in universities. Nowhere is this more pronounced than in developing countries with a large middle class and an economic or financial base that ensures some degree of independence from the multilateral financial institutions. Understanding the success or failure of economic reforms in developing countries requires some analysis of the complex relations between technocrats and political leaders and the societal constraints both sets of actors face. This article explores these issues in the context of Nigeria, whose academic community, bureaucrats and professionals grew in leaps and bounds in the 1970s, following an oil-induced boom. The crisis of the 1980s led to attempts at economic reform and a highly programmed strategy of political change in which academics played a leading role. The article examines the effectiveness of intellectuals in government, and compares the Nigeria case with technocratic experiments in Ghana, Botswana and Côte d?Ivoire.     

我国地方税制的历史沿革与发展探析

地方税制是国家税收制度的组成部分 ,国家进行税制调整常引起地方税制的变化 ,税制调整又与财政体制的变化相关联。由于地方税制是以中央与地方分财权为前提 ,因此确立什么样的中央与地方的财政分配关系直接决定着地方税制是否存在 ,以及地方税制的存在形式。财政体制发生变化 ,地方税制必然随之变化 ,税制调整和财政体制调整往往是交织在一起的。文章在回顾与总结我国税收制度发展和改革历程的基础上 ,探讨了地方税制产生和发展以及运行的一般规律 ,并对进一步完善地方税体系 ,使地方税收活动规范化、民主化、科学化提出了设想     

The political economy of economic reform in North Korea

For over 10 years, North Korea has undergone a severe economic crisis, including food shortages, which has inflicted great suffering upon the North Korean people. Given such dire realities, it is beyond all doubt that the North Korean government should actively carry out comprehensive economic reforms as quickly as possible which aim to transform North Korea's present inefficient socialist planned economic system into a market economic system. Many argue that such reforms would give rise to successful economic growth in North Korea, which could enhance the legitimacy of the North Korean regime. Yet, the North Korean regime has consistently avoided implementing economic reforms, even though it has had a number of opportunities to do so. The July 1st reforms, which were introduced in 2002, have been half-hearted and inconsistently applied. This then raises an important question: Why has the North Korean government avoided adopting comprehensive economic reforms? In other words, what is the crucial barrier that has hindered North Korea's implementation of economic reforms? This article pinpoints North Korea's unique political system—i.e. its monolithic system of political control and policy making which exhibits the highest level of power concentration in one individual among all political systems—as the biggest barrier to economic reforms. No doubt North Korea desperately needs comprehensive economic reforms, in light of its economic crisis and food shortages. Nonetheless, the current North Korean regime has avoided adopting such reforms since they will undermine North Korea's monolithic system. In conclusion, North Korea's monolithic system has been the biggest obstacle to North Korea's economic reforms.     

20世纪90年代以来的中国宏观经济政策调整

20世纪90年代以来,中国政府的宏观经济政策经历了三次较大的调整。即:1993-1996年政府实行了适度从紧的财政、货币政策,降低高通胀率,使国民经济顺利实现第一次“软着陆”;1998-2002年财政货币政策由适度从紧转向积极有限度扩张,扩大内需,降低高失业率,使国民经济顺利实现第二次“软着陆”;2003年下半年至今政府采取稳健的财政货币政策,加强宏观调控,抑制部分行业投资增长过快,减缓物价上涨压力,对保持经济平稳较快发展而避免大起大落起到了显著的作用。     

Economic restructuring and the reform of the higher education system

The main argument advanced in favour of the Hawke government's reform of higher education, as contained in the recent White Paper, relates to the imperatives of economic restructuring. A more ‘relevant’ and ‘responsive’ higher education system is, according to the government, the necessary basis of a more advanced and internationally competitive economy. We argue below, however, that the reforms are premised on a false assumption: that the private sector in Australia is capable of and/or interested in exploiting the expected boost in graduates and research for the purposes of developing new technologies and competitive advantages. Indeed, the government has found it necessary to intervene in a centralist manner to induce the appropriate response in the private sector. This is justified as market‐facilitating. In reality it is an act of faith which contradicts both the capacity and agenda of the private sector in Australia.     

国际侨汇对移民来源国经济发展的影响——国外学术观点综述

论文从侨汇对贫困和收入分配的影响、侨汇对消费和投资的影响、侨汇的危机救助作用和对经济增长的影响、侨汇对公共投资和官方援助的影响、侨汇的＂道德风险＂和侨汇对人才流失的影响、侨汇对荷兰病和国际贸易的影响等六个方面,对国外的一些学术观点进行了分析阐述,认为前期的研究为本领域的研究提供了非常有价值的开拓性成果和坚实基础,但是目前国际侨汇的研究多集中于国别和微观的领域,在宏观综合分析、比较分析和理论探索方面还比较欠缺,诸多领域的研究工作还需要继续挖掘和探索,不少研究结论存在较大争议,因此还有许多问题亟需做进一步研究。     

Governor Sir John Field in St Helena: Democratic Reform in a Small British Colony, 1962–68

In the age of decolonisation, Whitehall generally accepted the case for political advancement even in small British colonies like St Helena judged too lacking in resources to become independent states, provided this could be granted without risk to good government. The previous experience of Sir John Field in West Africa and his sensitivity to UN expectations lay behind the democratic reforms he introduced, which by 1968 had established an elected Legislative Council and an Executive Council made up mainly of LegCo members. But the steps he took owed little to sustained popular demand for self-government, as was common elsewhere, and much to his determination to make islanders politically more responsible. Public engagement was inhibited by practical constraints, local culture and a discouraging financial dependence on the UK government.     

Public works and municipal government in two Italian capital cities: Comparing technical bureaucracies in Turin and Rome, 1848-88

The article draws a comparison between nineteenth-century Turin and Rome, linking the growth of technical bureaucracies in the municipal institutions of both cities to the local struggles for control over urban space. In both post-1848 Turin and post-1870 Rome, the implementation of new institutional reforms offered local city councils an opportunity to gain more power and autonomy than they had enjoyed in the recent past. The organization and the role of municipal technical services were therefore affected, with quite opposite results, by the conflicts opened with the state about the redefinition of the province of local government     

Unsettling Migrant Reintegration: The Serial Risk-Taking of Returning Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) to Cordillera,Philippines

In 2017, the Philippine government boosted its campaign on Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW) reintegration, a set of programmes designed to aid returning Filipino labour migrants. In this paper, I examine migrant reintegration through the case of returned migrants to the province of Benguet, Philippines. Rather than use “sustainability of return” as main focus of assessment, I foreground instead the historical geographies undergirding the current reiteration of this migration policy. By doing so, I demonstrate how the “gambling” practices of returned migrants can be read as not an easy acquiescence to the neoliberal imperative for self-entrepreneurship encouraged by the Philippine state. In highlighting gambling as an embodied strategy emerging from and through imperial histories, I argue that migrant reintegration gets revealed as rehearsal of certain colonial logics that have oriented certain peoples to the labour of serial risk taking for survival. Close attention to return migrants’ gambling practices raises urgent questions regarding the relentless push for entrepreneurship as development solution.     

Who needs a review of the financial system in Australia? the case of the Wallis inquiry

The Howard government reoriented the then existing institutionally based financial regulation towards a functionally based regime with new prudential and disclosure regulators in 1998. This paper uses the governmental agenda-setting framework of John Kingdon to explain this financial regulatory change undertaken in Australia following the Wallis Inquiry of 1996. It also examines the role of the Inquiry in the policy process. It shows that the financial regulatory change was on the bureaucratic agenda of the Treasury Department. A window of opportunity opened for the Treasury following the 1996 election, with the new Howard government keen to achieve financial regulatory reforms to address future regulatory challenges proactively while the new Treasurer Peter Costello wanted to consolidate his power within markets and politics. Costello coupled the Treasury's solutions to problems and to political processes. The Wallis Committee was ‘packed’ by the government in accordance with its regulatory policy preferences. Its role was to legitimise the government's policy preferences publicly, and to transfer the ‘governmental agenda’ into the ‘public agenda’. However, this was not a case of the government pressuring for its policy preferences over the financial services industry. In fact, the Inquiry was used as a venue to generate industry and public support for the regulatory changes, and was used to build a network of alliances within and outside the parliament.     

Italy says no: the 2016 constitutional referendum and its consequences

On 4 December 2016, Italians went to the polls to say yes or no in a popular referendum called by Prime Minister Matteo Renzi on his package of constitutional reforms. Turnout was very high: 65.5 per cent. The No vote scored an impressive victory: 59.1 per cent rejected those reforms; 40.9 per cent supported them. This article puts those reforms in the context of previous attempts to modify several articles of the Italian constitution. The authors analyze and criticize the substance of those reforms and explain their possible impact on the functioning of the Italian political system. The Yes and No alignments were somewhat diversified, while the Yes vote got a lot of support from an often curious combination of domestic and foreign bedfellows interested in the political stability of Renzi’s government more than in any specific reform. Renzi’s defeat led to his resignation. A new government was immediately formed. It is unclear when and whether other, different constitutional reforms will be formulated. The Italian political and institutional transition continues while once again attention is focused on the electoral law and on how to restructure the parties and the party system.     

Transnational political participation of Algerians in France. Extra-territorial civil society versus transnational governmentality

Since independence, the Algerian state has had mechanisms in place to control its emigrant population but the recent conflict resulted in, and was in part caused by, the crumbling of many of these institutions of control. Throughout the conflict, migrants based in France have been able to exert considerable influence on the Algerian government, while the Algerian government has sought to discredit or control their activities. This article examines an episode of political protest against the Algerian regime by Algerian migrants in France that resulted in a series of high profile court cases in France between 2001 and 2004. The protests originated in allegations of human rights abuses by the Algerian army that were detailed in a series of books, principally Qui a tué a Bentalha? [Yous, N. with the collaboration of Mellah, S. (2000). Qui a tué à Bentalha? Algérie: chronique d'un massacre annoncé. Paris: La Découverte.] and La sale guerre [Souaïdia, H. (2001). La sale guerre. Paris: La Découverte.]. The article draws on a series of interviews with politically active and non-politically active migrants in France and the UK, including the authors of both books and leading figures on both sides of the debate, in order to establish the nature of the relationship between political activism by migrants in France and civil society in Algeria. The literature on civil society is used to highlight the relationship between French-based associations and the Algerian government. The article concludes that French-based activists must be judged on the extent to which they engage with the Algerian government and contribute to the growth of developing civil society within Algeria.