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1.
徐广源 《纵横》2013,(8):22-25
现在热播的《甄瑕传》里,说甄嫒在寺中受尽欺凌,幸得果亲王允礼精心照顾,二人在患难中相亲相爱,甄嫒遂有了身孕,后来生下了弘瞻。雍正帝发现甄瑕与允礼有私情,极为震怒,逼迫其毒杀允礼。甄嫒不忍,想要自饮毒酒,允礼为保护甄嫒,偷换毒酒而亡,死在其怀中,甄嫒伤心欲绝,誓要报仇。甄嫒为保住允礼唯一的儿子弘瞻,自请将弘瞻纳入果亲王名下,成为一世的亲王,  相似文献   

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福存及德普、德沛高兴璠爱新觉罗·福存,清太祖努尔哈赤之三弟庄亲王舒尔哈齐第八子简亲王费扬武之孙。康熙十七年(1678年)封镇国公,康熙二十年袭贝子,康熙三十九年(1700年)卒,乾隆十五年(1750年)追封简亲王。福存善诗,著有《云尔吟诗集》。德普,...  相似文献   

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雍亲王,即后来的雍正皇帝,名允禛,康熙第四子。康熙四十八年(1709年)三月被晋封为“和硕雍亲王”。康熙六十一年(1722年)十一月登基,改名“允禛”为“胤禛”,在位十三年,谥世宗。《黄州竹楼记卷》(图一),绫本,纵46厘米,横256厘米,行书北宋著名文学家王禹偁《黄州竹楼记》。卷子的右首书有文题“黄州竹楼记”,下有“雍王书”名款,以下为正文。此卷无年款,引首有葫芦  相似文献   

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如何解读雍正继位,是仁者见智,各有立论,众说莫一。所引相关材料,皆见于世。笔者搜捡诸说,发现有一则史料尚未见征引。18世纪,朝鲜国著名学者朴趾源记载:康熙共二十子而才子怡亲王允祥、庄亲王允禄、果亲王允礼。雍正讳允稹,第四子也。八(笔者注:十)王允(礻我)、九王允(礻唐)、十三王允禔(笔者注:祥)、十  相似文献   

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礼亲王代善(1583—1648)是努尔哈赤第二子,崇德元年(1636年)被封为和硕礼亲王。清代规定亲王之女例应由皇帝、皇后指婚,指婚后由亲王报宗人府转咨礼部请封品级。和硕亲王之女定例封为和硕格格,即满文“hosoigege”之汉文音译,其汉意称作郡主。清初规定,册封郡主授给纸质制册,制册每页高一尺一寸,宽七寸五分,硬质封面上贴用金黄潞绸,页面糊黄纺丝,册文由翰林院撰拟,用朱笔书于黄纺丝之上,其页面上下花纹用贴金云龙。封面之文即选自康熙元年(1662年)七月册封礼亲王代善第十一女为和硕格格时颁给…  相似文献   

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本文主要介绍康熙皇帝第十七子果亲王允礼的生平和其印章及有关他的政治文化活动。曾在雍正、乾隆两朝身居要职的允礼 ,笃信佛教 ,搜集整理了很多佛经 ,其中藏传佛教宁玛派伏藏经居多。允礼组织众译师并亲自参与把这些伏藏经译成蒙文 ,对蒙古佛教文化作出了贡献。  相似文献   

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易县清西陵南,隔着两座华盖山,神石庄乡北福地村的东南,原有一座清代的王爷坟。这就是被雍正皇帝誉为“安分守巳”的淳度亲王允祐的墓地。 允祐生于康熙十九年(1680)七月二十五日,为康熙帝第七子,母成妃戴佳氏。允祐长到十七岁,赶上康熙统兵平定噶尔丹叛乱,他和五哥允祺从征,康熙还让他带领镶黄旗大营。数年后封贝勒,康熙四十八年(1709)十月封淳郡王。康熙五十七年十月,贝勒延信出兵平定西藏,让他接管正蓝三旗(满、蒙、汉)事务。雍正上台前后,诸兄  相似文献   

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满族诗人永恩永恩(1718—1797),字惠周,号兰亭主人,爱新觉罗氏。康修亲王崇安子,初封康亲王,乾隆四十三年(1778)恢复祖号为礼亲王。有诗集《诚正堂槁》传世.永恩思想开明进步,反对封建礼教对人性的束缚,厌恶官场陋习和等级制度.具有一定程度的平...  相似文献   

9.
雍正与怡亲王允祥   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
雍正与怡亲王允祥既是兄弟,又是君臣。雍正即位后,对允祥的荣宠自始至终有增无减。允祥死后,雍正对他及其家属的眷遇也很少见,使他“生荣死哀”。雍正兄弟众多,为何对允祥如此厚爱呢? 一、储位之争,诸兄弟多为政敌,唯有允祥是他的诚挚兄弟。康熙有子三十五人,长大成人者二十人。次子允礽,乃孝诚仁皇后所生,康熙十四年(1675),二十二岁的康熙帝立不满两岁的允礽为太子。从此,允礽得到与众兄弟不同的特殊待遇,其地位在一人之下,万人之上。允礽长大成人后,权势欲望不断增长,侵犯和威胁着康  相似文献   

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爱新觉罗永(?——1750年),字嵩山,别号延芬居士。清太祖努尔哈赤第二子礼烈亲王代善第八子惠顺亲王枯塞第三子康良亲王杰书第五子康亲王椿泰之子康亲王崇安第三子。追封礼亲王、镇国将军。能诗善书。著有诗集《延芬室集》。《清史稿》说他“诗宗盛唐,书法赵文敏。晚年独居一室,不与人接,诗多散佚。”《雪桥诗话》则说“嵩山将军永,诗才绝妙。所居水云乡,山房颓坏,一日雨夜浸漏,至不能寝,因得句云:“自信平生多坦白,谁知一夜数移床。”可见其生活之清苦。永隐于酒,也善制酒。曾亲手制成桔酒赠与爱新觉罗敦诚。敦诚见酬以诗,…  相似文献   

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Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.  相似文献   

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1938年.我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天.至今不知道.因此.六十多年过去了.我从来也没有过过生日。  相似文献   

15.
Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.  相似文献   

16.
This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.  相似文献   

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In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.  相似文献   

20.
"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.  相似文献   

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