大众传媒与五四运动“内除国贼”目标的确立

巴黎和会期间,梁启超受北京政府委派,以个人身份在巴黎进行民间外交。但梁启超的外交活动被许多人误解,国内一些报纸刊发章,抨击梁启超亲日卖国,从而激发了大众传媒声讨“卖国贼”的高潮。巴黎和会以前,曹汝霖、章宗祥和陆宗舆虽然卖国,但由于他们的行为不被人们知晓,人们没有视之为“卖国贼”,到和会召开时,三人的卖国行为渐为人知,他们也成为五四群众运动中声讨的直接对象。     

九一八事变后中国的抗战外宣(1931—1938)——以杨光泩及世界电讯社为中心的考察

九一八事变后,为了推进抗战外宣,李石曾等人在巴黎创办了中国第一个海外通信社——世界电讯社。杨光泩出任世界电讯社社长后,极力推动电讯社的业务发展,为争取国联各国的舆论支持而努力。日本退出国联后,国民政府中止了对世界电讯社巴黎办事处的资金支持。日本发动全面侵华战争后,杨光泩又被委以外交宣传的重任,世界电讯社巴黎办事处得以重新设立。     

《巴黎和会与北京政府的内外博弈》问世

正邓野著,社会科学文献出版社2014年9月出版,29万字,38元邓野著《巴黎和会与北京政府的内外博弈》一书,重点探讨了巴黎和会时期中国的外交交涉与政派利益分歧,强调巴黎和会对于北京政府而言,不再仅仅是一个纯粹的外交意义上的国际会议。在南北分裂、派系林立的当时中国社会条件下,外交与内政更是纠缠不清,相互影响。如当年强烈抵制对德宣战的广东非常国会,却在第一次世界大战后"理直气壮"地要求向巴黎派遣自己的外交代表,争享"战胜"之荣耀。作     

顾维钧与黄蕙兰的巴黎之恋

1918年11月,第一次世界大战结束。 中国作为参战的战胜国之一,派遣了一个由5人组成的代表团到达法国首都巴黎,准备参加巴黎和会。在中国代表团中,有一位很年轻的代表,他30出头,高挑的个儿,蓄着平头,儒雅的脸上总露出微微的笑意。     

顾维钧与华盛顿会议

顾维钧与华盛顿会议金光耀顾维钧在巴黎和会上拒签和约的杰出表现，已有论者作专题研究①，巴黎和会结束后至华盛顿会议召开期间，顾维钧仍关注着悬而未决的山东问题，并为争取恢复中国已丧失的权益作了不懈的努力。本文拟对这一时期顾维钧的外交活动进行评述，以进一步认...     

关于“国民外交协会”的三件档案形成时间考

国民外交协会是巴黎和会期间在北京成立的一个由各民间团体组成的全国性的国民外交组织。对外,它以中国国民的名义致电出席巴黎和会的各国代表,发表外交主张;对内,又以国民外交实际领导者的身份发表通电、组织演讲、提出外交目标,号召一致对外。它对五四运动的发动和拒签对德和     

中国拒签《凡尔赛和约》的背后

1919年6月28日,巴黎上空响起阵阵礼炮声,巴黎和会宣告闭幕。27个战胜国参加的和会最终留下26个国家在和约上的签字,中国成为例外的那个。翻开历史,可以看见中国在拒签《凡尔赛和约》背后的种种呐喊和无奈,看似熟悉的片段却蕴含着复杂且揪心的史实。     

中国参加第一次世界大战和巴黎和会问题

长期以来,人们认为第一次世界大战是帝国主义战争,中国饱受帝国主义侵略、掠夺之苦,不应该在美国、特别是日本怂恿下参加这场肮脏的战争;巴黎和会上,中国成了帝国主义分赃政策的牺牲品,不仅一无所获,反而使自己身上的枷锁更加沉重了。其实,冷静地把中国参加第一次世界大战和巴黎和会这两件     

五四:现代中国的新起点

正今年是五四运动一百周年。五四运动作为中国现代史上一次伟大的历史事件,从它发生到今天,一直为人们所关注。因为它的意义实在是太重大了。过去40年来我曾写过不少文章,谈论五四,许多话都说过了。现在把它概括起来,分作四个方面加以叙述。一、伟大的爱国运动人尽皆知,五四运动是因巴黎和会在国际帝国主义控制下,不顾道义,不顾中国主权,不     

五四运动爆发前的派系之争

正1919年,五四运动因巴黎和会外交失败而起,众所周知。虽然该运动因外交问题而起,但其中掺杂有许多内政的因素,而五四运动背后的派系之争对该运动产生的影响也不容忽视,可以说,五四运动既是社会变动和文化变化的结果,也是当     

中国网络媒体中的移民报道框架——以新浪网为例的分析

论文从新闻传播学的角度,运用框架分析(Framing Analysis)方法,通过对新浪网2012年中国移民报道的文本分析,考察中国网络媒体中出境移民的报道框架和网络媒体是如何建构中国出境移民的形象以及如何引导公众对移民的舆论的。结论是,不少移民话题并不在新浪网的移民报道框架之内,受众在网络上所看到的是对移民的不完整表达。大众媒体的新闻报道并非对现实的镜像反映,而是根据一定的新闻立场和新闻价值标准对事实进行取舍和加工的过程,是对现实世界的"重构"。     

Managing International News-Agency Relations under the Guomindang: China’s Central News Agency,Zhao Minheng,and Reuters, 1931–1945

During the Nationalist Era, China dealt with its relatively weaker position in the global geopolitics of news communication by forging and managing strategic collaborations with the world’s leading news agencies. This study analyzes the case of the bilateral contractual relationship between Reuters and the Guomindang (GMD) government’s official news agency, the Central News Agency (CNA). By doing so, the article reveals that in the course of developing useful cooperation with the leading international news agencies to open up inter-institutional and interpersonal channels and networks for disseminating the GMD government’s official news and viewpoints abroad, the GMD government and CNA were also confronted with a growing necessity to manage and control protracted contentions, disputes, and even conflicts arising from the party-state’s persistent attempts to assert news communication sovereignty. The study also highlights the vital role of Zhao Minheng (1904–61)—a US-educated Chinese journalist in the employment of Reuters—as middleman in the CNA-Reuters relationship. Zhao’s career provides us with an important means to analyze CNA’s international news-agency relations from transnational and transcultural perspectives.     

Poland in the ‘Paris system’: self‐determination,stereotypes, and decisions in 1919

One of the most important questions at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference was what to do about the newly re‐created state of Poland. The Paris peacemakers realised the importance of the settlement, thanks in part to dire warnings about Poland's future, and the leaders spent much time discussing the territorial settlement. Yet discussions of this important question regularly strayed from debates about policy to incorporate understandings of Polish national character. In particular, the leaders of the so‐called Big Three, Britain, France, and the United States, connected expert opinion and the broader political landscape to stereotyped understandings of national character, among other factors. With reference to scholarship on stereotyping, this article analyses how developing attitudes on Polish national character became integrated into the complex settlement of Poland's borders. The peacemakers' decisions, which were a compromise between different points of view, reflected interconnected understandings of the Polish settlement.     

伪满洲国的广播剧

伪满时期的新闻传播是中国新闻传播史上具有异样色彩的一页。当时的传播媒体主要是报纸、杂志和广播,它们的主要传播对象是当时身处东北的日本人和中国人,传播本身却受到日本殖民统治的严密控制。本文拟从当时的各种相关文献资料中,以广播剧为视角进行调查取证,梳理广播剧在伪满时期的产生、发展、形式变化的脉络,由此分析考证当时在日本统治监管下的文化传媒的实际状态,为伪满时期的新闻传播史研究提供素材。     

The Signing of the Sino-Iranian Treaty of 1920

This article looks at the efforts China and Iran made towards strengthening themselves and their search for independence and integrity after the First World War. Since the nineteenth century, the two countries had been in a similar situation, under pressure from treaties and rivalries with European powers. The change of the world order brought about by the 1914–18 war created an opportunity for China and Iran to claim back their rights, such as ending extra-territoriality. After the war, the Fourteen Points drawn up by the American president, Woodrow Wilson, gave hope for China and Iran to maintain their independence and integrity. During the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, China and Iran made both gains and losses. China was unable to solve the Shandong Problem but became one of the founding members of the League of Nations, while Iran did not get access to the Peace Conference but obtained Britain’s assurance of independence and integrity by signing the Anglo-Iranian Treaty of 1919, and then joined the League of Nations. China and Iran attempted to bring about cooperation between Asian countries, and therefore signed a treaty in 1920. The significance of the treaty was that the two countries agreed not to grant extra-territoriality to each other, which was what both countries were seeking to achieve at that time.     

“Relying on America”: The CPI’s Propaganda in China and Its Influence on China’s Pursuit of a New National Identity before the May Fourth Movement*

At the beginning of the 20th century, American officials, newspapermen, and businessmen in China promoted and participated in the establishment of a branch of the Committee on Public Information (CPI) in China. The purposes of the China station were to compete with other foreign states seeking influence in China, to promote American values and to eventually lead China down an “American” path. The CPI China station built an image of America as a friendly country which offered political and economic assistance and held a leading position in the new postwar order, an example which China could use for its own development. Chinese people were quick to respond to this propaganda as they wanted their concerns to be addressed at the Paris Peace Conference and sought to reform their national identity. The idea of a Wilsonian international order gained support in China through effective propaganda. After the diplomatic defeat in Paris, however, some Chinese began to consider a path very different from that of America. The CPI’s promotion of a particular development path for China and new world order had various effects on the country. The propaganda came at a time when the Chinese were searching for a new national identity and gained support from many groups. In addition, the Chinese people were not passive listeners of the propaganda and did not blindly accept the information that was “fed” to them.     

北洋政府时期社会舆论中的外交系

巴黎和会与华盛顿会议以后,王正廷、顾维钧、王宠惠等人纷纷回国入主北京内阁,而且一度左右北京政坛.时论对他们参与内政的评价褒贬不一,而党派之争又使他们的身份复杂化,要客观地评价他们,既要注意其自身的因素,也要兼顾到当时的社会舆论.     

国联和平解决国际争端机制研究

一战期间,欧美相关政治力量在通过建立国际联盟(以下简称国联)和平解决国际争端维护世界和平上,达成共识并进行了相关的筹划。一战后召开巴黎和会,协约国在借鉴一战期间关于国联各种构想的基础上,建立了国联及其和平解决国际争端机制。但该机制并没有从根本上改变以往国际政治的结构,加之在自身设计上存在很多漏洞,使得国联和平解决国际争端机制在调处一战后国际争端中所发挥的作用有限。     

Security journalism and ‘the mainstream’ in Britain since 7/7: translating terror but inciting violence?

News reporting of terrorism, in the form of security journalism, faces a set of challenges to the functions it serves as a result of both its own practices and the changing practices of news consumers. Security journalism performs some predictable functions, namely the regular delivery of representations of terrorist threats to a presumed national (and international) audience through coverage of Al‐Qaeda leaders’ speeches, bomb attempts, criminal trials, and ‘radical’ protests in Britain, among others. Security journalism offers a consistent repackaging of jihadist media productions from one context and language to another. For example, in reducing jihadist texts to short clips of an angry gesticulating man security journalism is prohibiting public understanding of their persuasive potential by cutting any political, religious or sensual appeals. This article presents original data from interviews with British Muslims familiar with jihadist materials that suggest mainstream media reporting may contribute to radicalization in ways not sufficiently appreciated by journalists, policy‐makers and the public. Interviewees report that any news depicting Muslim suffering activates and reinforces frustrations and grievances, whether the source is a mainstream media outlet or Al‐Qaeda's media wing. Mainstream media may unintentionally contribute to a more enduring but diffused resentment a priori to the existence of jihadist media; as one participant says, ‘I am already convinced’.