Geoffrey Holmes and the House of Lords Reconsidered

The publication of Geoffrey Holmes's British Politics in the Age of Anne , arguably, did more than any other volume of the period to reinvigorate interest in the house of lords in the Augustan period. The upper chamber, which had been largely overlooked by historians such as Sir Lewis Namier and Robert Walcott, had come to be regarded as a very inferior partner to the house of commons, populated by great landowners whose principal interest was to see the furtherance of their kinship networks. Holmes's work demonstrated clearly the central role of the Lords in British political life and revised radically the accepted orthodoxy that family predominated over ideology in the early 18th century. This article seeks to reassess Holmes's contribution to the study of the Lords in the light of research undertaken since the publication of British Politics and to suggest some ways in which Holmes's model, which remains broadly unassailable, might be reshaped.     

The Flag Salute Cases Reconsidered

First, my very warmest thanks to the Supreme Court Historical Society for inviting me, to Chief Justice Roberts for his most gracious introduction (which I can only hope will not be retracted silently by the time I finish), and to all of you for coming inside on a glorious spring day to listen to an old professor talk about constitutional law.     

The Claudian Invasion Campaign Reconsidered

This paper attempts to build on Hind's hypothesis (1989) that the Roman invasion of AD 43 took place in Sussex, by examining the implications for the conquest campaign. It is suggested that the usual tactics of the Roman army and the size of the invading army are not consistent with the standard invasion campaign theory, in particular the events leading up to the so-called battle of the Medway. Other aspects of the evidence available to us are also inconsistent with the standard theory but can be explained in terms of a Sussex landing. The result is to offer further support for Hind's hypothesis.     

包衣身份再辨

"包衣"是清代旗人群体的一个组成部分,同时又是清代皇族的私属,由于他们双重的身份及其与皇室、内务府的特殊关系,使包衣群体的研究成为清代政治与旗人社会研究的重要组成部分。但是学界在"包衣"称谓的解释和身份的认识上并不清晰。本文在梳理学界观点的基础上,通过对包衣、阿哈、包衣阿哈以及家人等不同称谓的辨析,明确"包衣"是清代包衣组织成员的专称,不能用阿哈、包衣阿哈或家人替换。     

The Yorkshire Rebellion of 1489 Reconsidered

Abstract

'The Clerical Population of the Northern Province in 1377–1381: a New Estimate'. Recent research has demonstrated the completeness and usefulness of the hitherto largely disregarded collectors' enrolments of the Clerical Poll Taxes of 1377–81 for the historian. This article makes use of a new edition of these enrolments and other recent research into the secular clergy and the religious houses of Northern England to draw up a new estimate of the numbers of clergy, secular and religious, in the York Province of the English Church. The estimate is compared with the last detailed estimate in the field, that of Josiah Cox Russell, whose estimates were published in the 1940s.     

波斯早期犹大政策重探

传统的学术研究往往认为,居鲁士圆柱铭文和希伯莱《圣经》的有关记载可以相互印证,具有历史真实性;两者反映出居鲁士大帝鼓励被掳的犹大人回归故土,并全力支持他们重建圣殿。本文重新分析了铭文文本,指出它和犹大人回归并无直接关系。在此基础上解读《圣经》记载的波斯诏令,本文认为它们缺乏历史真实性,进而结合历史背景,提出波斯帝国早期(公元前539年到前5世纪中期)并未明确鼓励和支持犹大人的回归和重建圣殿。波斯所要求的只是犹大的政治稳定与缴纳赋税,其有限的宽容完全建立在自身利益诉求的基础上。     

The Relations Bwetween Geography and History Reconsidered

The ideas of Sauer, Darby, Clark, and Meinig have had a formative influence on the making of modern Anglo–American historical geography. These scholars emphasized the spatial– and place–;focused orientation of geography, contrasting it with history’s concern with time, the past, and change. Historical geography was conceived as combining the spatial interests of geography with the temporal interest of history, creating a field concerned with changing spatial patterns and landscapes. This idea of historical geography avoided issues in the philosophy of history by making the historical geographer a kind of spectator to external changes in the ways things were ordered and arranged on the face of the earth. This “natural history” view of historical geography failed to deal with history conceived as an autonomous mode of understanding in which the scholar’s task is to understand human activity as an embodiment of thought. Historical geography is more adequately conceived as a Collingwoodian–type historical discipline, in which the task of the historical geographer is aimed at rethinking and displaying the thought of historical agents as their actions relate to the physical environment. The traditional subject matter of historical geography is not thereby redefined, but a change in the way geography is seen in its relation to history is necessitated.     

The Overthrow of the Government of Mosaddeq Reconsidered

The overthrow of the government of Mosaddeq has received considerable attention, scholarly and otherwise. The scholarly explanations differ in emphasis, but not in the general contours, particularly regarding the significant role of the Anglo-American secret services. There have also long been attempts to portray the overthrow of Mosaddeq as an isolated event taking place on 19 August 1953 and representing a conflation of royalist and traditionalist sentiments among soldiers and civilians. More recently it has been contended that it was not the Anglo-American secret services but the clerical nexus—prompted by Ayatollah Borujerdi, the highest religious authority in the country—which played the crucial role. This paper argues against reducing the overthrow of Mosaddeq's government to the events of 19 August, and views it as a protracted process. It further argues that assertions regarding the crucial and active role of Borujerdi are, on the basis of available evidence, untenable.     

The Passenger Cases Reconsidered in Transatlantic Commerce Clause History

The Supreme Court's 5–4 decision in the Passenger Cases (1849) overturned two Northern states' taxes on poor foreign immigrants. The Court's eight opinions disputed whether destitute transatlantic immigrants arriving in U.S. ports were legally and constitutionally “persons” like fugitive slaves fleeing the South, free African Americans residing in the U.S.‐Canadian borderlands, and black seamen working on ships entering Southern ports. The eight opinions issued in the case, as Charles Warren noted, raised fundamental constitutional questions concerning whether U.S. congressional or state authority was exclusive or concurrent over persons moving in interstate and international business, reflecting wider sectional struggles fostering the Civil War. ¹ More recently, Mary Bilder and others examined connections among indentured contract labor, race‐based American slavery, and the Court's antebellum Commerce Clause decisions to establish that foreign immigrants were commercial objects subject to regulation through the Constitution's Commerce Clause. ² Southerners and Northern pro‐slavery supporters argued, however, that fugitive slaves and free blacks crossing interstate and international borders were “persons” who could be regulated or altogether excluded under state police powers. ³     

Environmental Public Voluntary Programs Reconsidered

Environmental “public voluntary programs” (PVPs) involve government offers of positive publicity and technical assistance to firms that reach certain environmental goals. A growing body of empirical work suggests these programs generally have little impact on the behavior of their participants. A natural policy conclusion would be to eliminate PVPs, but we argue that such a conclusion is premature. Many PVPs are best viewed as information diffusion programs, so identifying their effects econometrically is difficult because information is likely to diffuse to nonparticipants. Thus, after the early phases of even a successful PVP, it may well be impossible to detect a difference in the performance between participants and nonparticipants. We argue that new estimation approaches are needed to identify the effects of PVPs. We also explore the design of PVPs in detail, showing how PVPs can potentially enhance the diffusion of cost‐effective techniques for pollution abatement.