LASER ARGON DATING AND GEOLOGICAL PROVENANCING OF A STONE AXE FROM THE STONEHENGE ENVIRONS*

The recently-developed laser microprobe ⁴⁰argon-³⁹ argon technique has been used to give a geological date for a rhyolitic tuff stone axe fragment from the Stonehenge environs. The method requires only milligramme-sized samples and gives dates of sufficient accuracy to aid in provenancing artefacts to sources, as well as information on the heating history of samples. The axe sample is of Lower Carboniferous date (341 ± 5 Ma) and this limits possible sources to outcrops within the Scottish Midland Valley and small altered exposures in Dartmoor. X-ray fluorescence analysis of the axe suggests the Scottish Midland Valley as the more likely source. The laser argon analysis also shows that the implement had not been heated in antiquity. Laser argon-argon dating can, therefore, be a useful tool in artefact study.     

Bronze Age upland settlement decline in southwest England: testing the climate change hypothesis

The division of land on Dartmoor during the Bronze Age by the construction of moor-wide boundaries known as reaves represents a significant development in agricultural practice and land tenure. Previous research relating to the Dartmoor reaves suggests this way of life may have continued for no longer than 200–400 years. It has been suggested that their abandonment occurred as the result of a deteriorating climate, although there are no published palaeoclimatic reconstructions from the area. We therefore test the hypothesis that on Dartmoor, a marked climatic deterioration occurred in the late Bronze Age that can be linked to the abandonment of the reaves. A palaeoclimatic reconstruction derived from testate amoebae and peat humification analyses is presented from Tor Royal Bog, central Dartmoor, the first such record from southwest England. A major shift to a cooler and/or wetter climate is inferred from ca. 1395 to 1155 cal BC that is coincident with the period hypothesised as encompassing the abandonment. This climatic deterioration is replicated in sites in northern Britain, suggesting it was a widespread event. It is concluded that while the evidence supports a climatically forced retreat, there are a range of other socio-economic factors that must also be taken into consideration.     

Three Deserted Medieval Settlements on Dartmoor

THE INTERPRETATION of the houses, the evidence for dating and the status of the inhabitants at sites excavated on Dartmoor are discussed.     

Recent French archaeological work In Syria and Jordan

Abstract

The French connection with the late antique and Byzantine archaeology of the Levant is now more than a century old. Between 1864 and 1877 Melchoir de Vogue published his great Syrie Centrale: architecture civile et religieuse, a work which revealed for the first time the great richness of the archaeological record for the period. With its superb drawings and elegant plans it remains indispensable, especially since it describes some buildings, like the praetorium at Mismiyya, south of Damascus, which have long since disappeared. In these days when so much worthless nineteenth-century travel literature about the Middle East has been reprinted, it is sad that this masterpiece remains unavailable. The French Mandate for Syria and Lebanon from 1921 onwards gave a great impetus to these studies. Although most attention was given to great classical sites like Palmyra or Crusader ones like Crac des Chevaliers, late antiquity was not neglected and there was a growing interest in the deserted towns of the limestone hills of the north from J. Mattern, li travers les villes mortes de Haute Syre (Beirut 1944) and J. Lassus' study of the ecclesiastical architecture, Sanctuaires chretiens de Syrie (1947). This activity culminated in G. Tchalenko's great work Les villages antiques de fa Syrie du Nord (1958) which was based on field work done before 1939.     

Three Deserted Medieval Settlements on Dartmoor: A Report on the late E. Marie Minter's Excavations

HOUNDTOR, HUTHOLES AND DINNA CLERKS are three deserted medieval settlements on the granite uplands towards the eastern side of Dartmoor Forest, Devon. Houndtor and Hutholes were small villages comprising eleven and six buildings respectively; Dinna Clerks was an isolated homestead. Extensive excavation at these sites by the late Mrs E. Marie Minter revealed a long sequence o f superimposed houses, divisible into two periods. Those of the first were built of turf. Although their remains were few, and in some places confusing, they provided much information on the construction of this type of building in the South- West of England. During the second period commencing in the middle of the 11th century, the houses of turf were gradually replaced by those of stone. The excavation of the well-preserved remains of the long-houses and their associated barns and corn-driers and the recording of the gardens and some of the open fields have given a clear insight into the ecology of a community dependent upon mixed farming at altitudes between 1100 and 1300 ft above sea level. The excavation of these settlements has also demonstrated how the deterioration of the climate in the late 14th and early 14th centuries led to their eventual desertion.     

The Difficult Place of Deserted Coasts in Archaeology: New Archaeological Research on Cooks Beach (Pukaki), Coromandel Peninsula,New Zealand

Sites which have been occupied semi-continuously in the past present some inherent difficulties for archaeology. Here we present new research from a coastal site on the North Island of New Zealand at Cooks Beach where anthropogenic vegetation changes are seen using microfossil analysis of obsidian tools, sediments and pit fill. The results indicate the initial presence of people in AD 1300–1400 followed by subsequent periods of disuse or abandonment and sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas) cultivation. Around the time of initial settlement, obsidian from this location is found at sites across the country. After AD 1400 the area appears to be deserted for a century or more, after which we see evidence for the cultivation of sweet potato in AD 1500 as evidenced by extensive soil modification and numerous storage pits. There is no evidence of a permanent settlement at the site. The geographic distribution of Cooks Beach obsidian was constricted while the site was used for sweet potato cultivation, a pattern often attributed to increased warfare. It appears cultivation was abandoned after AD 1650 marking a second secession of use, a fact confirmed in AD 1769 when Captain Cook visited the area. We consider the possible drivers for the late abandonment of cultivation at Cooks Beach.     

Vegetation,land, and wood use at the sites of Bat and Al‐Khashbah in Oman (fourth–third millennium BC)

About 4200 charcoal fragments have been identified from the fourth‐ to third‐millennium BC archaeological sites of Bat and Al‐Khashbah in order to gain an understanding of plant resources available at the sites. Acacia sp., Ziziphus sp., and Tamarix sp. were the main taxa identified at both sites and indicate a similar vegetation composition as today. Phoenix sp. (date palm) charcoal also has been found at both sites. Whereas the cultivation of date palm for the 2700–2300 BC layers from Bat was likely, given other circumstantial evidence (i.e. local cereal cultivation and floodwater irrigation), it is unclear whether date palm was cultivated at Al‐Khashbah. Especially for the older periods (3300–2700 BC) it is possible that nomadic pastoralists were exploiting and/or managing wild date palms. The find of Avicennia marina at Al‐Khashbah indicates long‐distance contacts with the coast.     

Stable isotope analysis of Pacific rat (Rattus exulans) from archaeological sites in Mangareva (French Polynesia): The use of commensal species for understanding human activity and ecosystem change

Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis was applied to archaeological specimens of the commensal Pacific rat (Rattus exulans) to investigate nutrient fluxes in prehistoric socio-ecosystems on Mangareva (Gambier Islands) and their implications for anthropogenic environmental change. The Pacific rat – ubiquitous in Polynesian archaeological sites – is characterised by low dietary selectivity and a limited home range, making it an ideal candidate for assessing changes in island food webs. Temporal trends in diet-derived bone collagen δ¹³C and δ¹⁵N values are assessed from three sites: The Onemea Site, Taravai Island (TAR-6), Nenega-iti Rockshelter, Agakauitai Island (AGA-3) and Kitchen Cave Rockshelter, Kamaka Island (KAM-1). An overall trend of decreasing δ¹⁵N values in rat bone collagen over time reflects archipelago-wide changes to island socio-ecosystems most likely resulting from seabird population declines. Differences in site function and human activity may have also influenced local rat dietary patterns. Stable isotope analysis of the Pacific rat provides a low-impact line of evidence towards the reconstruction of human-centred food webs and the flow of nutrients within island socio-ecosystems.     

Assessing the influence of agrochemicals on the rate of copper corrosion in the vadose zone of arable land Part 1: field experiments

Abstract

Part of a project that has attempted to answer the question ‘does the application of agrochemicals accelerate the corrosion of metals in the top 50cm of the soil? ’ is reported. We have approached the question by a combination of field-based experiments (on two sites), establishing laboratory microcosms (one involving simple aqueous systems and the other a series of simulated burial experiments) and by using geochemical modelling techniques to understand the processes involved. Two different experimental approaches in the field are documented — one using in situ monitoring of corrosion potentials and the other assessing the degree of induced corrosion using image analysis on recovered samples. The first was carried out on arable land close to the University of Bradford to which we applied different fertilizer regimes. The second was established on land owned by the University of Newcastle at Palace Leas, Morpeth, Northumberland, which has a documented field management regime extending back over one hundred years. We focus here on a sub-set of the data relating to the behaviour of the thinnest samples of copper in each case. There does seem to be some evidence of an effect resulting from the applied fertilizer, but the data are sometimes contradictory. We suggest a number of improvements for future field experiments that monitor in situ corrosion in the vadose zone.     

Vermin Traps and Rabbit Warrens on Dartmoor

Abstract

This paper examines the siting and operation of stone-built vermin traps associated with rabbit warrens on Dartmoor. A total of 81 vermin traps have been identified from the stone-built funnel walls and at 18 sites the traps still remain in position at the convergence of the funnel. Evidence suggests that the traps are 18th-century or earlier in date and that they do not occur on 19th-century warrens when the use of guns and gin traps for the control of vermin was more usual.     

The Ring family of Bristol,clay tobacco pipe manufacturers

Abstract

The Ring family ran two of the most important pipemaking businesses in 19th-century Bristol. This account is in three parts: Part 1 is a survey of the documentary evidence for the two companies. Ring & Cookworthy were in operation from 1802 until 1819, R. F. Ring & Co. worked under various managements from c. 1812 until c. 1884. Part 2 provides data on the export of Ring-made pipes, collected from the Bristol Presentment Books. Pipes were sent mainly to America, but also to Ireland, Spain, the Caribbean and elsewhere. Part 3 illustrates waste from their kilns found in dumps in various parts of Bristol. These groups are all dated to c. 1850.     

Rousseau's Discarded Children: The Panoply of Excuses and the Question of Hypocrisy

Summary

Although Rousseau's treatment of his children has provoked much controversy, sustained and scholarly discussions are rare. This study is the first to present the evidence comprehensively and systematically. It engages each of Rousseau's contentions about his children in order to carefully discern the significance of this episode for his life and work. It offers an analytical table of each rationale—nineteen different ones, of five major types. It discusses documents of 1751 and 1778 which strongly defend the actions, the ambiguous arguments in the Second Part of the Confessions (1769–1770), the oscillations in the period surrounding the Confessions (1764–1770), and finally the development of unqualified remorse in the middle period of Emile (1757–1762). It concludes by advancing a middle position between those who ultimately see his behaviour and associated excuses as demonstrating his unchecked individualism and subjectivism, and those who ultimately absolve this episode in order to find him a moralist in good standing.     

PATTERN WITHOUT A PLAN: RETHINKING THE BRONZE AGE COAXIAL FIELD SYSTEMS ON DARTMOOR, SOUTH-WEST ENGLAND

Summary.   The coaxial field systems on Dartmoor are widely interpreted as the result of a relatively rapid period of planned land division during the middle centuries of the second millennium BC. This article seeks to challenge this notion of a 'planned landscape'. Using examples from southern (Shaugh Moor) and north-eastern (Kestor and Shovel Down) Dartmoor, it is demonstrated that the boundaries materialized existing structures in the landscape which had emerged through patterns of dwelling and long histories of tenure. In seeking to present a new narrative for the enclosure of the Dartmoor landscape, it is argued that tenure was articulated at a local level through the relationship between occupancy and ancestral ties to the land, and that land division was only possible because the forms of tenure and perceptions of landscape were already in place. The coaxial pattern emerged in a reflexive tradition of boundary construction rather than as part of a transformative plan or a conscious strategy to reorganize and enclose the moor.     

Stable nitrogen isotope values in arid‐land kangaroos correlated with mean annual rainfall: potential as a palaeoclimatic indicator

Bone collagen stable nitrogen isotope values are reported for modern kangaroos (Macropus spp.) from eight field sites along a 1160 km south–north transect from temperate coastal to arid interior South Australia, in order to investigate δ¹⁵N tissue variability in relation to rainfall and relative humidity. Mean annual rainfall along the transect ranges from 775 mm at Mount Gambier in the southeastern coast to 176 mm at Innamincka in the arid northern interior, while 3pm relative humidity ranges from 73% at coastal Flinders Chase to 36% at Innamincka. In arid habitats (176–238 mm rainfall), the δ¹⁵N values of kangaroo bone collagen become more positive in relation to decreasing mean annual rainfall (r² = 0.98), while there is only a weak correlation with relative humidity (r² = 0.67). In contrast, in temperate and semi‐arid coastal habitats (350–775 mm), there is no correlation between kangaroo bone collagen δ¹⁵N values and rainfall (r² = 0.0011) or between δ¹⁵N values and relative humidity (r² = 0.0035). Thus, in South Australia, kangaroo bone collagen δ¹⁵N values do not show a simple linear correlation with either rainfall or relative humidity across all habitats. These results suggest that stable nitrogen isotope analyses of herbivore bones obtained from archaeological and palaeontological sites may provide a reliable proxy for past rainfall values in arid‐land ecosystems. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

The Roman wreck of c. AD 200 at Plemmirio, near Siracusa (Sicily): Interim report

A Roman wreck, named Plemmirio B^[1]i, lies on the rocky talus below the southern cliffs of Capo Murro di Porco, near Costa Bianca del Plemmirio (Penisola della Maddalena), prov. Siracusa, Sicily. The cargo of amphoras and iron bars, relatively well-preserved, is situated between 22 m and 47 m depth. Following brief examinations in 1974–1982, a University of Bristol expedition spent four weeks surveying the site in July-August 1983^[2] This paper presents an interim summary of these campaigns; a comprehensive report will be published after completion of excavations at the site^[3]. The archaeological deposit at Plemmirio B is characterized by concentrations of fragmented amphoras. There is no direct evidence for the structure of the ship, much of which may have disintegrated during the initial wreck process, but study of the artefact distribution suggests a vessel of fairly large capacity. The amphora consignment (which may have numbered no more than 200) comprised cylindrical African containers, 80% of which were form Africana 2A and 20% Africana 1^[4] w. The Africana 2A amphoras had internal resinous linings, and so may have contained a fish product rather than olive oil. Other amphoras exposed on the site were at least one Mauretanian Dressel 30 (Keay type 1) and two possibly intrusive amphoras of unclassified types. Ferrous concretions contained voids (hollow casts) which may once have been about 39 wrought iron bars, of two distinctive shapes. These, and several other concretions of unidentified forms, may represent a consignment of iron originally weighing approximately one tonne. Other finds from the wreck are two cooking pots, a small bowl or cup, a sounding lead, three fragments of tegula rooftiles, and two small stone blocks. One of the cooking pots confirms a date for the wreck based on the amphora association of circa AD 180–250, most likely in the first decade of the 3rd century. The amphora assemblage belongs to an important phase of commerce from North Africa represented by at least 20 known wreck cargoes; however, few of these sites have been scientifically recorded or are as closely dated as Plemmirio B, and the diversity of container types and cargo consignments on this wreck is of particular interest.     

A simulation model of farming systems and land use in Sweden during the early Iron Age, c. 500 b.c. – a.d. 550

In investigating an area with deserted fields and boundaries in the province of Östergotland, Eastern Middle Sweden, pollen analysis has been used as a tool in describing the ecological base of different phases in the development of the cultural landscape. The characteristics of the early Iron Age expansion have thus been proven to be the simultaneous expansion of cattle breeding and arable farming. This indicates an integrated system, with intensely tilled fields, knowledge of manuring and, therefore, need of a vast fence system to gather the cattle and make efficient use of the manure.Assuming a social organization of families with a size of eight to ten individuals, the amount of land required to feed each unit has been calculated. Three hectares of arable land, 30 ha of meadow land and 30 ha of pasture is suggested as a possible combination to support a family. Using a desk computer, units with these proportions of land have been randomly located in an area of 2 × 2 km² taking soil differences into account. Agrarian units can be located several times at random and the resulting land-use patterns studied. The simulated results often very well describe the actual land-use pattern during the early Iron Age as indicated by deserted fields, boundaries and dwelling sites.     

Scurvy as a factor in the loss of the 1845 Franklin expedition to the Arctic: a reconsideration

In 1845, an expedition, commanded by Sir John Franklin, set out to discover the Northwest Passage. The ships entered the Canadian Arctic, and from September 1846 were beset in ice off King William Island. A note left by the expedition in May 1847 reported all was well, but by April 1848, 24 of the 129 men had died. The ice‐locked ships were deserted in April 1848, but the 105 survivors were so weakened that all perished before they could reach safety. The causes of the morbidity and mortality aboard the ships have long been debated, and many commentators have argued that scurvy was an important factor. This study evaluates the historical evidence for the likely effectiveness of anti‐scorbutic precautions taken on polar voyages at that time, and investigates whether the skeletal remains associated with the expedition provide evidence for scurvy. Skeletal remains available for study were carefully examined for pathological changes, and lesions potentially consistent with scurvy were subject to histological analysis. Where remains were no longer accessible, use was made of published osteological work. It is argued that the anti‐scorbutic measures customarily taken on mid 19^th century British naval polar voyages were such that there is no a priori reason to suppose that scurvy should have been a problem prior to the desertion of the ships. The analysis of the skeletal evidence provided little in the way of bony lesions consistent with the disease, and cannot therefore be used to support the presence of scurvy. Factors other than scurvy may been the main causes of morbidity and mortality in the 11 months prior to the desertion of the ships. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Possible Wild Boar Management during the Ertebølle Period. A Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Analysis of Mesolithic Wild Boar from Fannerup F,Denmark

This paper presents a stable isotope and radiocarbon study on a total of 85 samples of wild boar (Sus scrofa), humans (Homo sapiens), dogs (Canis familiaris), red deer (Cervus elaphus) and roe deer (Capreolus capreolus) from four Late Mesolithic sites in Jutland, Denmark. Four of the eight Sus scrofa samples from one site, the shell midden of Fannerup F, show markedly enriched carbon and nitrogen isotope values, indicating a dietary intake of a substantial amount of marine food. In contrast to standard interpretations of Late Mesolithic animal economy, we suggest that the enriched values of Sus scrofa may be an indication of management by Ertebølle groups in the area that facilitated access to substantial amounts of marine foods for these wild boars compared to contemporaneous conspecifics. The ¹⁴C dates of the Sus scrofa range from 5290 to 4335 cal BC, suggesting that the management of Sus scrofa developed independently of contact with Neolithic societies. Although the sample size remains small, the interpretation of Late Mesolithic animal management adds to the growing evidence for political and economic complexity in the Ertebølle culture.     

Reconstructing Diet of the Early Qin (ca. 700–400 BC) at Xishan,Gansu Province,China

Here we report the bone collagen carbon and nitrogen isotopic results of humans (n = 33) and animals (n = 58) to reconstruct the dietary practices of an early Qin population dating to the Zhou Dynasty (Late Western–Early Eastern period ca. 700–400 BC ) at the Xishan site in Gansu Province, China. The humans have a very large range of δ¹³C (−23.3‰ to −7.1‰) and δ¹⁵N (4.3‰ to 10.9‰) values which reflects extraordinarily diverse diets and included individuals with predominately C₃ as well as those with exclusive C₄ diets. This wide span of isotopic results produced a subtle linear trend (R² = 0.62) in the human data, which paralleled the animals across the C₃ and C₄ environmental gradient. However, the majority of the individuals had a predominately C₄ diet based on millet with δ¹⁵N results only slightly elevated above the animals, except for the pigs and cattle. This is evidence that many of the animals were likely used for their secondary products, labour or as sacrificial offerings and that pork and beef were the main sources of animal protein for the population. High status individuals had elevated δ¹⁵N values (10.2 ± 0.6‰) compared to medium (8.9 ± 0.3‰) and lower status (8.8 ± 0.8‰) individuals, possibly related to increased animal protein in the diet. Differences related to gender were also found with females having elevated δ¹³C (−11.2 ± 1.9‰) and δ¹⁵N (9.4 ± 0.8‰) values compared to the males (δ¹³C = −14.1 ± 4.2‰; δ¹⁵N = 7.9 ± 1.9‰), but these results necessitate caution given the large number of individuals that could not be sexed. The results of this study support the view that the early Qin people were a more sedentary society focused on millet agriculture and animal husbandry, and that they were influenced by the pre‐existing populations of the central Gansu region. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Defining paganism in the Carolingian world

Generations of scholars have looked for evidence of ‘paganism’ in continental sources from the eighth and ninth centuries. This paper surveys some of the key problems in defining and conceptualizing the available literary evidence for such a project. Part one argues for a return to the sources to help escape the intellectual baggage created by discussions of ‘pan‐Germanic paganism’, interpretatio Romana and, more recently, folk practices. From the perspective of the sources’ producers, paganism needs to be understood as a category of difference employed to provide a better definition of Christianity itself. In part two this line of thought is pursued through a brief study of the ways in which classical learning framed not only Carolingian attitudes to paganism, but also related strategies of moralizing.