The Yellow Turbans

This article investigates the historical arguments found in the Da Song sengshilüe, an important work on the history of Buddhism in China by the vinaya monk Zanning. Throughout a life that spanned the turmoil of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period as well as the imperial consolidation of the early Song, Zanning proved adept at developing close relationships with important political figures and prominent literati. He was widely praised for his literary skills, and he established a reputation as an erudite scholar of both Buddhist and Confucian learning. His fame attracted the attention of Emperor Taizong, and in the late tenth century, Zanning was ordered to write a text on the history of Buddhism in China, which he called the Da Song sengshilüe. In this work, Zanning described the institutional relationships that developed between Buddhism and the state as well as the manner in which these changed over time. His historical analysis revealed that Buddhism needed to maintain a relationship with the government and that this relationship should ideally be one of mutual assistance and support. In addition, Zanning used the Da Song sengshilüe to advance a polemical argument on the proper stance that the state should adopt towards Buddhism, Daoism and Confucianism. Based on an historical analysis of the causes underlying the vicissitudes in the political fortunes of the Three Teachings, he contended that Buddhism, Daoism and Confucianism should be treated equally, and that the holders of political power should refrain from establishing policies advocating either favoritism or persecution towards them.     

利玛窦与庞迪我关系辨析

利玛窦与庞迪我之间的矛盾曾被认为是当时意大利与西班牙间民族矛盾的体现。民族矛盾固然是影响利、庞关系的重要因素,但更潜在的原因应是二人在思想观念上的本质差异：利玛窦不是一名狭隘的民族主义者,他之所以不见容于庞迪我,主要是因为他那种具有浓烈人文主义背景的工作方式与庞氏的传统中世纪传教模式格格不入;与人们的假设相反,利氏至死都未曾原谅过庞氏,而在利氏生前,庞氏对其不满也蓄积已久。     

论鸠摩罗什对佛学及佛教文献学的贡献

鸠摩罗什是魏晋姚秦时代的名僧,历经坎坷来到长安后,积极致力于佛经翻译和教化事业,他对于中国佛学及佛教献学都着特别的贡献。对于佛学而言,通过鸠摩罗什的译介,使龙树中观派般若学说在中国得到弘传;开启了成实宗及隋唐各宗派的兴起,使成实宗成为中土较早的佛教宗派之一;使大乘佛教在中国广为流传,推动了后来中国佛学的发展。对于佛教献学而言,鸠摩罗什对佛教献的中国化作出了突出的贡献;他有计划、系统地翻译大乘典籍,奠定了汉大藏经的体系结构;他不断总结前人及自己的译经经验,为后世的翻译事业提供了有益的借鉴。鸠摩罗什因此奠定了他在中国佛教历史上的重要的地位。     

神和乃礭：利玛窦世界地图的在华传播及其本土化

在西学东渐史上,利玛窦是一个标志性的人物。他不仅在中国用汉语编写《天主实义》和《交友论》,阐释基督教神学和伦理思想,提出对儒佛的独到分析;与徐光启合译《几何原本》前六卷;并多次译绘汉文世界地图,为中国乃至东亚世界首次完整地展示了世界的面貌。该图见之于明确文字记载的自刻、他人翻刻和摹绘版本多达十余种。笔者根据利玛窦世界地图刊刻和传播的实况,将其版本分为《大瀛全图》与《山海舆地图》、《坤舆万国全图》、《两仪玄览图》三个系列和木刻本、彩绘绢本两种形式;并就“地圆说”与地球知识、“五大州”与“万国”的概念、西方人文地理知识点的介绍及其与中国文化的对话等诸多方面,讨论了利氏世界地图中所传送的新知识、新方法和新词汇,指出该图是明清士人理解整个世界的一个重要的窗口。论文还通过熊明遇的《格致草》、熊人霖的《地纬》、王在晋的《海防纂要》以及晚清的《海国图志》和《瀛寰志略》等,分析了利氏世界地图在晚明至晚清二度本土化的过程,指出该地图在晚清西学知识重建过程中所产生的意义。     

Gouguo,the “Land of Dogs,” on Ricci's World Map*

When Matteo Ricci designed his famous world map, he made use of European and traditional Chinese sources, which also concerns the distribution of certain toponyms on the map. The present study looks at one particular item: the name Gouguo 狗國, or “Land of Dogs,” which appears near the Bering Strait (then called “Strait of Anián”). Several questions arise in this context: Where does the name Gouguo come from? What can we say in regard to the well-known topos of “dog-headed” people? Which were the works consulted by Ricci? Why did he assign Gouguo to such a remote area and how should we interpret the “layout” of the entire region? The discussion will also look at some adjacent regions and names. The final part offers an hypothesis in regard to the possible political background of this arrangement in ca. 1600.     

通经致用--戴震对经典意义的追求

戴震继承了前代学者的思想,认为只有从字义训诂、名物制度的考释着手,才能读懂圣人大义,以观圣人之道.他认为,经是道的载体,闻道则是治经目的;然语言文字不通,则无从体察圣人之意.因此,戴震注重考证经典的流传、存佚、真伪;重视考订文字,审慎对待经典的校勘;解经知人论世,探求经义则诸说并存,这是他一生的治学心得.本文从治经目的与治经方法两个方面作了阐述.     

《阅微草堂笔记》中的杀生故事

《阅微草堂笔记》中有十余则笔记和杀生有关,从这些笔记中可看出纪昀对屠宰耕牛持坚决反对态度。对其他动物,则既不反对杀生,又反对过度杀生。纪昀形成这种观点既是受到佛教思想的影响,更是受到儒家思想的影响。他创作这些笔记的目的是用因果报应的方式劝戒人心,以弥补法律实施上所存在的不足,维护封建伦理道德,但其中也包含着劝善惩恶的朴素思想。     

Chiang Kai-shek's reading: an inquiry based on Chiang's diary, 1920s–1940s

At different times of his life, Chiang Kai-shek entertained three different images of himself: saint, hero and revolutionary guru. The orientation of his reading roughly corresponded with these roles: to be a saint, he emphasized moral learning and self-improvement; to be a hero, he stressed military strategy and politics; and to be the guru for a revolution, he had an enduring interest in the histories of revolutions in other nations. He seldom took an interest in books about knowledge, leisure or entertainment, which had little connection with these three roles. Chiang was closer to a traditional Chinese intellectual than to his predecessor Dr. Sun Yat-sen in his knowledge structure, value orientation and behaviour codes. Although Mao Zedong was as devoted to old Chinese books as Chiang, Mao preferred history and classical literature while Chiang preferred Confucian classics. Mao read old books from a historical materialist point of view, whereas Chiang synthesized “Three Principles of the People” (Sanmin zhuyi) with Confucian doctrines.     

现代史学语境下的经学认知——顾颉刚的经学批评探析

在经学与中国现代史学的演进中,顾颉刚是一位非常具有研究价值的典型人物,他对经学史、经学研究进行了全方位的评论。他批评汉代经学以通经致用为目的不惜造伪,在推崇宋代疑经辨伪的同时也批评宋儒"舍传求经"的弊病,肯定乾嘉学派实事求是的精神和今文经学家的辨伪之功。在治经理念和方法上,他总结了传统经学研究盲从门户、忽视原始经典文本、恪守"考信于六艺"等不足。顾颉刚以历史发展的眼光看待经学史的演变,经学态度也由激进趋于温和,并试图建立现代经学研究的新范式,其目的是修正传统经学中的种种流弊与缺失,更好地为现代史学研究服务。     

论朱熹建构鬼神理论的必然性

朱熹是宋代一位具有科学思想的理学家,但科学思想却没有使他走向无神论道路,反而使他接受鬼神,并建构了鬼神理论。对此,我们不能简单地断之为倒退落后,如果对朱熹"了解之同情",则能理解他建构鬼神理论之苦衷。四大因素迫使朱熹建构鬼神理论:一是现实中的"鬼神"现象必须得到解答;二是儒学典籍中的鬼神之事无法回避;三是必须应对佛道鬼神论的挑战;四是道统的合法性辩护。     

王夫之及俞樾“邹元标论”之异同浅析

邹元标为晚明东林党“三君”之一,早年曼以新进士身份,力劾首辅张居正“夺情”之议而廷杖远谪,直声震中外。仕途淹蹇,家居讲学三十年后,再返之天启之朝。于其行迹,同时及晚问人多以其人为晚明“士气”之所标尚,而王夫之与俞樾论邹元标之则于众人颇有不同处。王认为其再立朝为助晚明君臣道丧之势,俞则认为其好名,立身亦有非明智处。二人论有同而有异。     

耿直人格下的情绪和个性扩张——论刘辰翁的文学思想

宋末江西文人刘辰翁以耿直名,他具有江西文人的个性特点。同为江西籍文人,他继宋代欧阳修、杨万里以及其他江西诗派文人而来,并具有江西地域文化性格。同时因处于改朝换代和蒙古族入主的特殊历史时期,其个性更被扩张,他抒发对旧朝的哀怨和新朝的不平之怒,情绪激烈。这造成了其文学创作和文学鉴赏的不一致,其诗词创作有情真与自然的特色,而其文学鉴赏和主张则务求艰涩尖新。然而其实这些都是统一于其耿直的人格特点下,他继承江西大儒欧阳守道之学,表面上畔于圣人之道,实际则是一个有真性情和个性,坚持自我的儒士。     

A King’s Two Bodies: The Northern Wei Emperor Wencheng and Representations of the Power of His Monarchy

This article examines the various ways in which the Northern Wei emperor Wenchengdi (440–465; r. 452–465) was portrayed to his subjects. As is the case with many monarchs in many countries, he played different parts before different groups. For his soldiers, he was represented as a great hunter and marksman; to farmers in the lowlands, as a caring protector and benefactor; to potentially rebellious groups on the periphery, as a strong and steady observer of their actions. At the same time, it was in his reign that the Northern Wei court began efforts to use Buddhism as an overarching way to justify rule to all within the realm, by initiating construction of the famous cave-temples at Yungang, where “Buddhas became emperors and emperors Buddhas.” The spectacles through which Wenchengdi was portrayed are contextualized by a parallel examination of the very difficult life of the person behind the pomp and circumstance.     

欧阳修怀疑《周易》蠡测

欧阳修主要怀疑《周易》之《系辞》、《文言》、《说卦》、《序卦》、《杂卦》的孔子作说和部分爻辞有“臆出之说”。这一方面表现了他对《周易》文本和流传的深入认识,具有一定的文献学意义;但另一方面更表现了他浓郁的理性主义经学思想,他怀疑《周易》有革新儒学的意义。     

Adapting Catholicism to Confucianism: Matteo Ricci’s Tianzhu Shiyi

Tianzhu Shiyi (The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven) is the single most important proselytizing work of Matteo Ricci (1552–1610), the legendary founder of the early modern Jesuit China mission. Controversial since the early seventeenth century, it has been both praised and condemned for Ricci’s claim of a monotheistic affinity between Catholicism and Confucianism. Ricci’s gesture of friendship to Confucianism won him many Chinese friends and posthumously made him famous or notorious in Europe, but as this essay contends, it was never more than a tactical cover for him during his lifetime. Since the real purpose of his cultural adaptation was his unobtrusive engagement with the ancient Chinese philosophical idea of tianren heyi (humanity’s unity with heaven), what is ultimately so instructive about Tianzhu Shiyi is the light cast on Ricci’s intricate relationship with his Chinese friends and on the ironic twists and turns of his complex legacy.     

朱熹说《春秋》

朱熹认为《春秋》是史,是因为反对经学家一字褒贬的解经法,直把《春秋》看作史;朱熹不从一字褒贬中解经,而从具体史实中体会《春秋》义理。同时,他将义理贯穿于《春秋》史事之中,并将义理作为史书写作的指导原则。然而《春秋》义理本身却是不融通的,所以视《春秋》为史,出于朱熹对《春秋》义理不能融通之后无奈的选择。     

章太炎《春秋》学三变考论——兼论章氏“六经皆史”说的本意

经学消亡,其所述历史"神话"被否定,经学作为史料寄身于史学门下。按照中国学术"古今之变"的这一大线索来看,章太炎的"六经皆史"说对于中国学术、思想的现代转型具有里程碑式的地位和意义。自新文化运动以来,后世学者基本上按照这一线索将章太炎以"六经皆史"为要义的"古文经学"进行一分为二的评说:一方面肯定章太炎破除由经见道、通经致用的经学思维,将"六经"历史文献化,使儒家六经从神圣宝典下降到了古史资料地位。另一方面,又批评其"六经皆史"之说终未能脱离儒家经学的羁绊,仍为尊经崇圣的观念所困。这样一种以"传统/现代"为框架的二分法往往使我们忽略章太炎"古文经学"形成发展的内在轨迹和自身意图,从而造成对章太炎学术思想的割裂和简化。章太炎的《春秋》、《左传》学是其"古文经学"的主干,最能表现其"古文经学"形成发展的内在自身的思想轨迹。本文试图追迹章氏《春秋》学的变化发展,并以《春秋》学为中心,考察其"六经皆史"说的本意,提示其中值得重新审视的思想内涵。     

论康有为从经古文学向经今文学的转变——兼答黄开国、唐赤蓉先生

康有为于光绪十二年（1886）前后写的《民功篇》和《教学通义》受到今文经学家龚自珍的影响,表现出某些今文经学观点。光绪十四、十五年康在京师进一步转向今文经学,这是受到了喜好今文经的当朝权臣翁同徘、潘祖荫等的影响,也受到了廖平所著“平分今古”的《今古学考》的影响。光绪十五、十六年之交康在广州会见已经转向今文经学的廖平,受廖平谈话的影响,他完全转向今文经学。随后康在弟子们协助下写出《新学伪经考》、《孔子改制考》。康这“两考”没有袭用廖平的《辟刘篇》和《知圣篇》,因为广州会见时廖平并没有给康看过他的“两篇”。长期流传的康“两考”抄袭廖“两篇”之说乃是不实之词。     

川端康成《睡美人》解味

《睡美人》为川端康成晚期作品。它的荒诞内容使读者感到困惑。探讨《睡美人》的深层内涵又是把握川康成整个创作不可缺少的。如果我们联系《睡美人》之前的整个川端创作,了解他在其他作品中以不同形式反复演奏的主题,理清其发展脉络,我们会清晰地看到这篇重要作品的坐标。川端从创作伊始就存在的“恋母情结”、“处女崇拜”,在20世纪50年代对“入魔”、“入佛”的阐释,贯穿一生的“生死轮回”思想都在这篇不长的作品中作了川端式的诗意抒发。作品散发现代主义的颓废情调,这是不言而喻的,然而它又体现了川端以东方文化传统对人生哲理的独特思考,全篇充满禅理,为此它又是一篇不容忽视的川端的典型作品。     

徐干儒学文艺观与创作关系述论

徐干具有鲜明的儒学文艺观,具体体现在注重个人创造的艺德观、以言为贵、言为德藻的重言观、以立志为先、博达中正的才学观等三个方面。它们是徐干自身儒家人格的集中反映,又对其文学创作产生了深刻影响,为考察魏晋之际儒风与文风的交融互动关系,提供了可资借鉴的范本。