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1.
16世纪的英国圈地运动,是历史上第一次具有市场指向的土地确权运动,是把具有共同体性质的混合土地所有制界定为排他性的明晰产权,从而激励经济效率,颠覆中世纪的基础。经过数个世纪的物质积累、权利积累和观念积累,社会深层结构发生了相当深刻的变化,其中土地市场化和农民的社会化是基础性的变量参数,圈地即是这种变化的历史性总结。"大农-乡绅阶层"作为农业资本主义载体,是圈地运动最能动、最重要的推动力量。领主圈地的通常方式是契约圈地、法庭圈地以及协议圈地,以合法圈地为主。领主非法暴力圈地确实存在,是赤裸裸的掠夺,暴露了早期资本的失范与贪婪;领主暴力非法圈地受到佃农土地权利的抵抗,佃农的抵抗具有一定合法性和有效性;但这种"暴力圈地所占比例很小"。16世纪中叶以后协议圈地越来越多,土地确权从来没有抛弃法律而是越来越规范,18世纪发展为"议会圈地"则属水到渠成。从基本层面上讲,圈地不是践踏土地权利,恰恰是明晰和确定土地权利。圈地规模有限,圈地中心地区的圈地比例大概在20~25%左右。总之,圈地运动的影响至为深远,是个老话题也是基础性话题,有必要给予新的关注。  相似文献   

2.
关于英国“自耕农”的再研究   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
徐奉臻 《世界历史》2000,13(3):38-44
农业现代化的“英国式道路”有三个特点 :一是以圈地运动为重点 ,以废除骑士领地制、寺院土地世俗化及拍卖和兼并土地为辅助内容 ;二是以反欧洲大陆盛行的改组封建土地所有制的“资产阶级——农民的方式”,转而用“地主方式”为资本主义“清洗土地”1;三是以牺牲自耕农经济为代价 ,建立近代资本主义大农业体制 ,使封建土地所有制直接过渡到资本主义土地所有制 ,使古老而封闭的传统农业直接转变为新式而开放的现代农业。在中外有关著述中 ,英语中的 yeoman (复数为 yeomen ,总称为 yeomanry)通常被音译为“约曼”或意译为“自耕农”。由于自…  相似文献   

3.
近年来,国内学术界一些关于圈地运动和英国农业资本主义发展的典型性问题的研究,出现了两种值得引起注意的研究趋向:某些具体问题的研究没有很好地借鉴吸收西方学术界的研究成果,多依从旧说;偏重于生产力或纯经济的研究.在综合吸取国内外相关研究成果的基础上,本文认为:圈地运动兴起的直接原因,主要是牧羊业自身的生产特点及其所决定的远比种植业要高得多的丰厚利润,而不是国内学术界所通常认为的"羊毛价格的上涨";英国16世纪的圈地主要还是在当时的法律框架下,以和平的或协议的方式较为平静地完成的,暴力不是主要手段;英国16世纪的圈地并没有引起土地关系的重大变化;圈地和农场规模的增加并不一定会带来生产力的提高;一直到19世纪中后期,英国的农业整体上还不是典型的资本主义农业.  相似文献   

4.
把英国19世纪的租地农场视为资本主义农场,认为租地农场主和工厂主一样是资本家,进而认为19世纪英国的农业是典型的资本主义农业,这一观点是马克思在《资本论》中提出的。它成为迄今我国史学界对英国农业史的一个基本认识。这种认识有违学界对经济制度的分析。从农业史来看,租佃农场不仅在英国近代存在过,在英国封建社会也长期存在。租佃制是各国封建社会常见的农业经济组织形式。英国19世纪的大土地经营不是直接雇佣劳动者耕作,而是分级出租。相当一部分租地农场面积不大,属于家庭农场,不使用或只是部分使用雇佣劳动力生产。一些地区庄园制仍然残存,通过租佃制持有土地的公簿持有农还受到封建领有制残余的束缚。因此,19世纪英国的租佃农场制夹杂着封建残余。19世纪英国农业的性质是资本主义与后封建主义的混合。  相似文献   

5.
中世纪欧洲领主和农民的收入变化受制于人口和经济因素、庄园制和农奴制等体制性因素。人口和经济因素影响着土地持有、粮价、工资和地租等的变动,庄园制和农奴制使中世纪大地产放弃了古代不持有土地和无偿劳动的奴隶制的剥削方式,而授与农民份地并向其征收地租和税金。大致说,中世纪早中期人口和经济、庄园制和农奴制的上行导致领主收入增加和农民收入减少,而中世纪晚期人口和经济、庄园制和农奴制的下行则促使领主收入减少和农民收入增加。总的说,中世纪大地产上佃农的土地持有以及缴纳地租和税金是有法可依的,蛮族法典、土地登录簿和惯例书等组成的习惯法旨在将领主对农民剥削的种类和数量固定化和精确化,领主和农民均可以此为依据维护自己的利益。习惯法的出现不是领主恩赐的结果,而是植根于日尔曼人有关法律是人民制定的立法模式,以及中世纪农民对领主长达几个世纪坚持不懈的抗争。  相似文献   

6.
吉喆 《史学月刊》2022,(5):126-136
圈地运动曾经是国内学界世界史研究的典型话题之一。在近三十年沉寂后,侯建新教授《圈地运动与土地确权——英国16世纪农业变革的实证考察》的发表,格外引人注目,是英国土地产权研究的标志性创新成果。传统观念认为圈地是为了改变土地经营方式,而在这篇近八万字的长文中,作者跳出传统研究的窠臼,将圈地运动与土地私人产权明确化联系在一起。侯建新教授在文中明确提出了判断圈地是否合法的依据,证明圈地运动基本上是在法制框架下进行的,并非完全以牺牲农民为代价。对于长期以来学界所忽视的农民圈地以及饱受诟病的领主圈地,作者运用数据分析和个案研究相结合的方式做了实证性考察,并重新估算了广受关注的16世纪英国圈地规模和社会影响,直接对话外国同行,发出了中国学者的声音。  相似文献   

7.
近年来,国内外学界研究中世纪英格兰的农奴制时多强调领主权力的有限性和佃农积累的可能性.但黑死病前英格兰农奴劳役的限定和折算表明:领主借此获得了多种好处,而大部分佃农在人身自由之外未必得到经济实惠.这提醒我们,既不能像一些西方学者那样,过分强调习惯对佃农的保护作用,也不能推测超经济强制的削弱一定能给佃农带来经济实惠.  相似文献   

8.
徐浩 《世界历史》2016,(4):61-70,157,158
新人口论认为中世纪中期工资劳动市场的快速扩张来自人口过剩,而马克思主义史学家则将中世纪晚期工资劳动市场的形成归结为封建主义危机和资本主义兴起。尽管上述观点不无道理,但都不能从整体上解释中世纪西欧工资劳动市场的存在。中世纪不同时期,领主庄园、农民家庭和工商业者作坊或商店对工资劳动市场均有不同程度的需求,因而需求拉动是中世纪西欧尤其是英国的工资劳动者比例居高不下的主要原因。中世纪西欧工资劳动市场是农民和工商业者的家庭劳动力和领主庄园的农奴劳役的重要补充,而并非一种异己力量,只有当条件适合时才会转变为资本主义雇佣劳动市场。  相似文献   

9.
咸鸿昌 《世界历史》2006,1(5):61-68
圈地运动是英国历史上长期存在的一种现象,它始终与英国法律特别是土地法的变迁紧密交织一起,呈现彼此影响的互动状态。最初的圈地是在封建土地保有制的基础上发生的,普通法不承认维兰的财产权,使领主圈地具有了合法性依据,为圈地的产生和发展创造了有利的法律环境。15世纪时,随着庄园制经济的发展,土地法发生了变化,庄园农民的土地产权趋于明晰,新的土地法成为都铎政府限制圈地运动的法律依据。17世纪以后,适应生产力发展的需要,法律又成为推动圈地运动发展的强大动力。在圈地运动的推动下,土地法自身也发生了深刻的变革,传统的小农土地产权制度迅速转变为现代资本主义大地产制。到19世纪末,社会利益备受关注,国家法律又转变为禁止私人圈地和保护公众休闲用地的手段。由此可见,圈地运动不仅是一场经济社会领域内的变革,也是法律领域内的一场变革。  相似文献   

10.
16-17世纪通常被认为是法国从封建主义向资本主义过渡的重要时期,社会经济变革剧烈,法国贵族在这一时期的命运如何一直是国内外学者十分关注的问题.传统史学研究认为,贵族在价格革命的冲击下衰落了.但本文通过对奥弗涅地区乡村贵族的考察,发现他们通过强化领主地租、扩大自领地、发展乡村借贷等经营方式,较为顺利地度过了价格革命和通货膨胀带来的危机.因此,传统的“贵族衰落论”需要重新认识.  相似文献   

11.
徐华娟 《史学集刊》2007,23(3):88-94
农业是英国资本主义的基础,约曼又是农业资本主义的发动者、农村社会的“脊梁”。在英国农业资本主义发生的时候,约曼是先行者。“约曼”经历了由一个带有荣誉感的职业名词向具有经济与社会含义的名词的转变;约曼阶层经历了由采邑制度下的农民向资本主义农场主的演进。约曼是社会转型时期英国农村的精英群体,对经济、政治、教育文化、日常生活等方面都产生了重大而深远的影响,为英国率先成为第一个工业化国家提供了最初的、最基本的经济力量和政治力量,是英国资本主义的启动者。  相似文献   

12.
The modern world has seen a variety of agricultural crises deriving from a problem known as the “metabolic rift,” in which capitalist agriculture depletes soil nutrients through intensive monocropping and fertilizing. This problem is fundamentally historical and material, and visible in the archaeological record. A manuring platform found in Deerfield, Massachusetts, offers a material vantage point through which to explore the contradictions of early capitalist agriculture. Increasing market penetration into the New England backcountry in the early nineteenth century spurred farmers to increase productivity, at the cost of sustainability. Wealthier farmers were able to capitalize on this transition, while poorer farmers were forced into wage labor or out-migration.  相似文献   

13.
Derek Hall 《对极》2012,44(4):1188-1208
Abstract: This paper poses theoretical and empirical questions to the resurgent litera‐ture on primitive accumulation in critical political economy. The first section outlines the different understandings of capitalism, and of its relationship to primitive accumulation, in the literature, and argues that they complicate efforts to identify instances of primitive accumulation. The second section examines the history of frontier agricultural expansion in Southeast Asia to critique the literature's assumptions about who carries out, and who resists, primitive accumulation. The third section draws on work on Southeast Asian political economy to show that the literature pays insufficient attention to the institutions that govern capitalist social relations. The paper argues that these questions of agency, governance, and the nature of capitalism need to be answered in order to make effective use of the concept of primitive accumulation and to distinguish it from cognate concepts like enclosure and commodification.  相似文献   

14.
In England, between 1305 and 1311, all prices rose significantly. Historians have generally assumed that these high prices led to high profits that enabled landlords to enjoy a period of unparalleled prosperity. A detailed study, however, of the manorial and central accounts of Canterbury Cathedral Priory suggets that this traditional view may not be altogether correct.Inflation did bring with it increased revenues and stimulated extensive investment in agriculture and building. But the priory's regular expenses increased as fast, and, at times, even faster than the extra revenues. Consequently the financial situation of the priory slowly deteriorated. Before the inflation set in, the priory had more than one year's revenue in hand. By 1318 this surplus had been wiped out. Financial equilibrium was finally restored only by the massive sale of relics and the high receipts from oblations. Yet, once prices began to fall after 1326 the priory found that, although its receipts dropped, so did its expenses and it was able to keep within its income.  相似文献   

15.
In England, between 1305 and 1311, all prices rose significantly. Historians have generally assumed that these high prices led to high profits that enabled landlords to enjoy a period of unparalleled prosperity. A detailed study, however, of the manorial and central accounts of Canterbury Cathedral Priory suggets that this traditional view may not be altogether correct.Inflation did bring with it increased revenues and stimulated extensive investment in agriculture and building. But the priory's regular expenses increased as fast, and, at times, even faster than the extra revenues. Consequently the financial situation of the priory slowly deteriorated. Before the inflation set in, the priory had more than one year's revenue in hand. By 1318 this surplus had been wiped out. Financial equilibrium was finally restored only by the massive sale of relics and the high receipts from oblations. Yet, once prices began to fall after 1326 the priory found that, although its receipts dropped, so did its expenses and it was able to keep within its income.  相似文献   

16.
This article engages ethnographically with the neoliberalization of nature in the spheres of tourism, conservation and agriculture. Drawing on a case study of Wayanad district, Kerala, the article explores a number of themes. First, it shows how a boom in domestic nature tourism is currently transforming Wayanad into a landscape for tourist consumption. Second, it examines how tourism in Wayanad articulates with projects of neoliberalizing forest and wildlife conservation and with their contestations by subaltern groups. Third, it argues that the contemporary commodification of nature in tourism and conservation is intimately related to earlier processes of commodifying nature in agrarian capitalism. Since independence, forest land has been violently appropriated for intensive cash-cropping. Capitalist agrarian change has transformed land into a (fictitious) commodity and produced a fragile and contested frontier of agriculture and wildlife. When agrarian capitalism reached its ecological limits and entered a crisis of accumulation, farming became increasingly speculative, exploring new modes of accumulation in out-of-state ginger cultivation. In this scenario nature and wildlife tourism emerges as a new prospect for accumulation in a post-agrarian economy. The neoliberalization of nature in Wayanad, the authors argue, is a process driven less by new modes of regulation than by the agrarian crisis and new modes of speculative farming.  相似文献   

17.
This paper is concerned with a society experiencing significant change, an industrializing society. Throughout the South Wales coalfield in the second half of the eighteenth century, rural structures were being supplanted by urban-industrial structures, traditional modes of landuse were being dislocated by new enterprises and the former pastoral landscape was being invaded by the paraphernalia of mining and manufacturing. The old cultural region, “Blaenau Morgannwg” was being transmuted into the new cultural region, “The Valleys”.More particularly, this industrializing society experienced a significant change in the attitudes of landowners to their estates and also a change in both the mechanisms and intensity of control. With the recognition of the opportunities for industrial development, many lords evinced an increased concern for the integrity of their manorial perquisites, particularly those related to minerals and their access to them. The assertion of neglected rights, the institution of rigorous estate management and the prosecution of previously neglected abuses constituted a dislocation of local landuse practices and traditional ways of life. To some extent, the experience was similar to that of other areas experiencing increased industrial activities at this time, although the effect of certain local cultural influences may be recognized in the particulars of the response.The specific focus of this study is on the important roles which manorial wastes were to play in these new industrial enterprises. Whereas in the past the wastes had been but peripheral elements of the total estate economy, the industrial demand for minerals, fuel and land occasioned a radical reappraisal of their contribution. Many studies have considered encroachments and enclosure in the context of agricultural systems but it is argued here that in certain parts of Britain, industrial considerations were of paramount importance. The primary challenge to the very existence of manorial wastes and commons, the Enclosure Movement, was contemporaneous with the initial stages of the industrialization of this region. But rather than expediting the elimination of these lands, several factors caused manorial wastelands and commons to bulk large in the early industrialization of the South Wales coalfield.The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to attempt a better understanding of the impact of industrialization upon the wastelands of the South Wales coalfield and of the society formerly dependent upon them. Particular attention will be focused upon the way in which this process affected the attitudes of the various interested parties towards mineral rights, encroachments and parliamentary enclosure, and which in turn required reappraisals of a way of life by an old social order.  相似文献   

18.
许倬云所看的《汉代农业:早期中国农业经济的形成》是美国西雅图华盛顿大学”汉代研究丛书”之一种。该著作不仅为西方读者考察和介绍了关于汉代农业的重要史料,而且还进一步诠释了古代中国农业经济、社会和国家发展的历史。但是,受魏特夫“亚细亚型社会”和“东方专制主义”观点的影响,作者在运用相关考察汉代农业经济时,却忽略了对传统史料的考证和诠释。这种倾向,导致了作者在论述水利工程、人口增长、佃农人数、国家权力和田租数量等影响农业经济发展的要素时,忽略或误读了传统史料所表达的基本信息。同样,作者对汉代地主阶级势力所作出的过低的估计也存在着相当问题。实际上,整个汉代,地主阶级的发展是极为活跃的:西汉后期,地主豪强兼并土地已愈演愈烈;迨至东汉,随着田庄的兴起,汉朝统一的根基不断被腐蚀,最后终于瓦解了汉王朝的统治。  相似文献   

19.
Gabrielle E. Clark 《对极》2017,49(4):997-1014
In the historical study of modern American capitalism, labor unfreedom in agriculture has been conceptualized as an exception to liberal labor relations in the post‐slavery polity, from debt peonage to the threat of deportation from workplaces populated by non‐citizen migrants. At the same time, state‐enforced labor compulsions and restrictions are increasingly part and parcel of what scholars call neoliberal exceptionalism. This article argues that agricultural and neoliberal exceptionalisms are related, by tracing the historical genealogy and juridical production of a restrictive work status, the deportable temporary labor migrant, across political economies in the modern United States, from imperial construction in the Panama Canal Zone, to agriculture, to the knowledge economy. Contrary to existing notions of temporary work visas as a new form of unfreedom in neoliberalized advanced capitalist states, I show how the threat of deportation is older and rooted in the rise of the liberal regulatory state in a post‐slavery, yet persistently racial capitalist political economy. The import of understanding this history of government intervention increases as the liberal regulatory state's coercive logics and practices intensify and circulate in agriculture and under a post‐Fordist regime of accumulation, reproducing racial capitalism in the labor process.  相似文献   

20.
Margery Jourdemayne, the ‘witch of Eye next Westminster’, Eleanor, duchess of Gloucester, and three scholars of the ducal household were foremost amongst those accused of treasonable witchcraft in 1441. The paper explores Margery's part in this episode, and then examines her background: her husband William came from a prosperous Middlesex yeoman family living at Acton, and he himself was a manorial official on Westminster Abbey's Ebury (Eye) estate.  相似文献   

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