战后初期美苏国共在中国东北地区的斗争

战后初期国共两党争夺东北的斗争,曾一度使这一地区成为新的战争热点。这场斗争不仅是国共战略交锋的焦点,而且反映了美苏在远东又妥协、又斗争的复杂关系。全面研究国共和美苏这一时期在东北的斗争,有助于深入理解战后初期美、苏在远东的关系,以及中国共产党进军东北的重要意义。     

周恩来、林彪与蒋介石重庆谈判

抗日战争时期的1942年10月至1943年6月,由于周恩来的倡导,国共两党在重庆举行过一次马拉松式的谈判。时毛泽东对谈判曾表示“依目前局势,我似应见蒋”,以求“国共根本关系加以改善”。在周恩来的劝阻下,林彪作为毛泽东的代表前往重庆参加谈判。这次谈判为抗战胜利后的毛泽东、蒋介石重庆谈判作了铺垫。请看《周恩来、林彪与蒋介石重庆谈判》一文。     

国共党首的一次流产会晤

1941年1月皖南事变的发生．使国共两党又走向紧张和对抗．而随后爆发的苏德战争和太平洋战争,既震惊了世界,也影响着中国,国共两党开始酝酿对话与谈判的可能．两党党首甚至想直接会晤。以解决两党关系中存在的具体问题。只是由于种种原因．这一机遇终归流产．而它却为1945年的重庆谈判奠定了基础。     

东北问题与四平决战

东北问题是战后中国政局中一个相对独立、甚为特殊的问题 ,其独立性和特殊性 ,造成东北问题处于一种既不停战、又不谈判、且又无人能够出面调停的局面。苏军撤离后 ,东北问题必然失控。国民党六届二中全会之后 ,国共两党在政协宪草原则和东北问题上形成两个矛盾焦点 ,双方都需要一次重大的军事胜利 ,以将政局的发展纳入自己的控制下。四平决战正是在这种政治的直接要求下爆发的。四平之役是国共战争史上一次特殊的战例 ,即通过局部性的军事决战方式 ,体现全局性的政治决战意图     

试论国共内战背景下的解放区战后善后救济

在联合国善后救济总署的推动下,国民政府成立了行政院善后救济总署,专门从事战后中国的善后救济工作。历经国共两党从和平谈判走向全面内战的巨大政治军事转折,行总善后救济活动随即卷入了激烈的国共冲突之中。在国共内战的背景下,善后救济工作艰难运作,国共双方围绕善后救济物资分配发生了激烈的争论与冲突。     

《华侨华人与国共关系》出版

由任贵祥、赵红英合著的《华侨华人与国共关系》一书 ,近日已由武汉大学出版社出版。该书系“国共关系与两岸关系丛书”之一。在 2 0世纪的中国历史上 ,特别是自 2 0年代以来的 70年间 ,国共两党关系曾经是一个重要问题。但长期以来 ,“两岸关系”的研究被视为禁区 ,特别是华侨与国共关系的研究一直成为空白。近年来 ,两岸关系研究成为热门话题 ,不少专家学者涉足此领域。该书的两位作者多年来一直从事华侨问题的研究。该书就一个世纪以来 ,华侨与国共关系这一较新的领域进行了有益的探索。海外华侨华人与先后主宰中国政治舞台的国共两党有…     

国共内战大转折时刻的顾维钧

和平与民主、团结与统一是抗战后中国遭遇的首选主题。然而,局势的发展远远超出了人们期盼的轨道,国共两党在中国社会与政治重新整合问题上的谈判屡屡受阻,由分歧到磨擦、冲突,最终演绎为非武力不能解决的格局。国共两党所代表的两种截然不同的政治势力的角逐,使那些处于夹缝中的中间势力不得不面对这样的事实：如果说国共两种政治力量处于相持或胶着态势时,他们还能保持所谓的“超然”或“中性”立场;那么,当局势越来越明朗时,     

论国共重庆谈判的政治性质

重庆谈判就其政治范畴而论,是国共围绕联合政府与一党训政的政治对立,展开的若干次对抗中的一个回合。中日战争结束之际,由于美苏分别确认国民党政府的惟一合法地位,并分别决定由国民党接收日占区,为此,改变了原有的国共力量对比,从而打断了原有的国共关系调整进程。在此条件下,重庆谈判以中共收回联合政府要求作为政治基础,以交出解放区作为主题。结果,双方互有胜负。重庆谈判的政治性质表现为,联合政府口号在其推进过程中遭遇的一次严重的政治挫折。重庆谈判的知名度与它的历史地位并不对称。     

抗战胜利前后国共日三方互动关系研究

抗战结束前夕,中日双方的军事较量与日本在大局不利时“和平”解决中国问题之企图以及中国内部国共双方着眼于战后之角力相交织,展现出国共日三方互动关系之错综复杂的图景。日军已无法改变其所处之总体被动状况;国民党在局部战场的作战表现有了改观,同时力图遏制中共的扩张;中共向南方敌后发展的军事战略和推动民主联合政府运动的政治战略取得了相当成效。就国共日三方互动关系而言,国共合作对日,国方重正规军事,但因实力所限未有重大进展,中共重敌后蚕食,因广大空间而如鱼得水;日本对国民党的军事压力与政治诱惑并举,同时亦不放弃利用国共矛盾以渔利。日本投降后,国民党虽在战后接收中得到了投降日军的合作与支持,但并未能实现其遏制中共扩张之企图;中共有了较之以往更为有利的态势与国民党争夺中国的主导权,并以其正确的战略战术而成为这场战争最大的赢家;最先发动这场战争的日本则成了最大的输家,以其无条件投降而结束了多年侵华的历史。     

《联合政府与一党训政:1944—1946年间国共政争》(修订本)

该书讲述的是1944—1946年以国共关系为中心的中国政治史。在此前的20余年中,国共关系几经波折,这一次波折乃是最后一次。但值得注意的是,这一次,其形式和性质与以往截然不同,它直接表现为国家政体和国家秩序的转型;更确切地说,最后一次国共关系变化引出了国家秩序的转型,并集中体现为两种国家政体的对立:联合政府与一党训政的对立。这一次政治转型的失败,决定了国共两党由政争走向战争的最终分野。     

Political Models and Political Transfer in the Shaping of Europe

This essays deals with the problem of reconstructing the ideological roots which made possible the phenomenon of political transfer in different European countries. The basis is obviously the dominance of the ‘British Model’ as the normal reference for the European Political Sciences. Even the opponents of such hegemony took it as the unavoidable polemic goal. This founded a sort of political ‘homogeneity’ that let live many different approaches and many national peculiarities, but in the end convinced the majority of European political scientists that some type of representative constitution had to be accepted. It was at the beginning of the twentieth century that the panorama changed. Elie Halévy's work on one side, discussing the sunset of the ‘British model’ in Britain itself, and on the other Max Weber's reflections on what he defined as ‘the community of destinies’ interpret a turning point in the approach of European political sciences to the possibilities of transferring political models.     

On the Completion of Political Life and the Incompleteness of Political Philosophy

Abstract

Political life means the normal life of a human being in its cycles from conception to death. A life is complete when it passes through these cycles. Political philosophy confronts the remaining issues of immortality and justice that arise in the lives of the citizens of actual cities.     

Reproducing Political Subjects: Feminist Scholarship and the Political Science Curriculum

In this article we analyse 16 politics textbooks that feature in introductory courses in politics, political theory or political thought taught in Australian universities. Our concern was to investigate how commonly used first-yearintroductory texts position feminist political theory (and its underlying scholarship) within political theory, and by extension within the discipline of political science. Our findings suggest that the scholarship of feminist theorists remains only occasionally visible to students of political science. It is mostly confined to the safety of managed enclaves, occasionally acknowledged, but certainly not integrated into what counts as the real knowledge of political theory.     

论孙中山对训政时期的政治设计

训政思想是孙中山关于中国革命与建设思想中的重要内容。孙中山在这一思想中对训政时期的民主政治建设进行了全面规划和设计,这是对中国的民主政治建设道路所进行的理论探索和框架性的建构设想,其中所体现的一些基本精神和原则是积极的、可贵的,但也有不足之处。     

Political History and Political Philosophy: Making Sense of the West

Abstract

The old Western synthesis, the coming together of self-government, the Christian proposition, modern equality, and the commitment to relieving man's estate, appears to be unraveling. In the European context, it is being replaced by a “pure democracy” that cannot do justice to the continuity of Western civilization. Rejecting the twin temptations of Progress and Decline, Pierre Manent recovers the perspective of the human agent. While the polis or classical city is no longer available to us, the self-government of free human beings remains at the heart of the Western enterprise. Manent shows that the Christian notion of conscience preserved the classical analogy between the soul and the political association and is at the hear of Western liberty. The West as a whole rests on the synthetic and mediating notion of conscience.     

Other Political Animals: Aristotle and the Limits of Political Community

In recent years there has been a resurgence of interest in the philosophical underpinnings of the human-animal distinction among political theorists, suggesting a possible sea change in how relationships between animals and humans are understood. Yet despite this interest, Aristotle’s famous dicta that “man is a political animal” and that only “beasts and gods” might live without politics persist as the best-known statements on humans and animals and how they relate politically. This essay draws on Aristotle’s biological writings in order to qualify these statements, outlining two opposing threads in Aristotle’s thought: one where humans are seen to be similar to other political animals and hence capable of sharing in political community, and the second where humans are seen to be unlike other animals by virtue of their relation with the divine. I argue that the problems that inform Aristotle’s way of understanding the similarities and differences between humans and animals and between members of a political community challenge recent theoretical attempts to include other animals in the human political community.     

Political theory in the Australian Journal of Political Science: A review

The place of political theory in AJPS has historically been a fairly marginal one, partly because Australia does not seem to have a strong national tradition of political theorizing. This is thought to be a function of living in a nation that never produced a great political theorist and was born neither in revolution or utopianism. Yet, although there has been a marked absence of high theory or exegetically-inclined history of ideas over the life of the journal, theorists have responded by contributing work that usefully illuminates applied problems with theoretical insight. Further, it may be the case that there is a peculiarly Australian style of political theory that is pragmatic and self-consciously embedded within our institutions and political culture. The paper explores this and other means by which Australian theorists have adapted in order to retain a presence within the journal.