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1.
The Greek junta was notorious for its use of state torture as a means of control. Yet, for most Western governments and organisations such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the United Nations (UN), Greece's geostrategic location was considered to be a higher priority than the undemocratic behaviour of the ‘Colonels’. This article seeks to synthesise existing historiography with new research in order to examine the complex and interconnected processes that led Western states and key international institutions to tolerate human-rights abuses in Greece in the face of huge protest from international public opinion. It will look at why Western states failed to explain away the ‘Greek case’, as they had done with Portugal and Spain, as an anomaly on the road to defeating a mortal enemy, the USSR, which was committing far more numerous violations. It will also consider why international opinion focused on Greece so intently. It will show how many in the West were lulled by the regime into believing that human-rights abusers can act as agents of stability and security. The article's footnotes aim to draw attention to the many primary and secondary sources that provide additional information on the issue of human-rights abuses by the Greek junta.  相似文献   

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陈莉 《东南文化》2021,(4):144-150
在国际关系视角下,博物馆对外展览既可以被归为服务于一国对外政策的文化外交,也可以被归为致力于长远宏观目标的人文交流.每个对外展览因动因不同,所发挥的作用也不尽相同,但通常作用包括形塑国家形象、搭建沟通桥梁、增进相互理解.与此同时,国内外政治形势、法律框架、国家政策等都是对外展览发生的重要背景和能够发生的决定条件,而展览能否真正改变观众的行为或态度又受到文化偏见的干扰,这就造成了博物馆对外展览影响力的不可控性和缓释性.面对这些挑战,中国博物馆作为民族国家的形象代表,应当致力于在更高层次上将独特性转化成普遍性,以自己的方式表现其他社会和文化同样注重的价值,为推动构建人类命运共同体贡献力量.  相似文献   

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《Political Theology》2013,14(5):641-649
Abstract

This paper contends that biblical law provides guidance about the proper configuration of moral goods and evils, which are often incommensurable, rather than offering a “vision of the good.” It argues that the “good” of creation itself comprises a moral order of goods to which there are many proper responses and investigates how such openness, when combined with a focus upon moral goods, intersects with three aspects of Burnside’s argument in God, Justice, and Society, namely, the role of wisdom, the importance of vocation and the significance of God’s grace.  相似文献   

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Israel considers the international legal arena as another battlefield where the country's legitimacy is challenged. Jerusalem's apprehension in regard to its international standing further increased in 2002 following the establishment of the International Criminal Court at The Hague. Developments in the case against Prime Minster Ariel Sharon in Belgium between June 2001 and September 2003 strengthened the Israeli government's conviction that an anti-Israel agenda could percolate into the legal process. Similarly, the International Court of Justice's advisory opinion in regard to the “wall” (security fence), issued on 9 July 2004, reinforced Israel's distrust of the international legal arena. This article follows the anti-Israel offensive in the international legal arena and analyzes Israel's counter actions.  相似文献   

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Until recently, there has been little 'real' dialogue in Cold War studies between International Relations theorists and international historians. In many ways this is not surprising. For the most part, International Relations theorists took the Cold War as an immutable feature of the international system. Historians did indeed seek to explain the outbreak of the Cold War and the historic features that had given rise to American hegemony and Soviet opposition, but they did so primarily by concentrating largely on archival and related research with only limited attention given to the bigger issues of the Cold War world. However, as the article demonstrates, a dialogue between historians and theorists over some key aspects of the Cold War, such as the role of ideology, is now timely. The evolution of both a broader conception of International History, as well as the partial opening of communist archives and a range of new developments in International Relations, means that it is now possible to 'rethink' the Cold War using both history and International Relations theory.  相似文献   

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Summary

The aim of this article is to explore in what respects Thomas Hobbes may be regarded as foundational in international thought. It is evident that in contemporary international relations theory he has become emblematic of a realist tradition, but as David Armitage suggests this was not always the case. I want to suggest that it is only in a very limited sense that he may be regarded as a foundational thinker in international relations, and for reasons very different from those for which he has become infamous. In the early histories of international thought Hobbes is a cameo figure completely eclipsed by Grotius. In early histories of political literature, the classic jurists were often acknowledged for their remarkable contributions to international relations, but Hobbes is referred to exclusively as a philosopher of a positvist ethics and absolute sovereignty. It is among the jurists themselves that Hobbes is believed to have made important conceptual moves which set the problems for international thought for the next three centuries. He conflates natural law and the law of nations, arguing that they differ only in their subjects—the former individuals, the latter nations or states. This entailed transforming the sovereign into an artificial man, not in the Roman Law sense of an entity capable of suing and being sued; rather, as a subject not party to a contract, but created by a contract among individuals who confer upon it authority. This subject is not constrained by the contractors, but is, as individuals were in the state of nature, constrained by the equivalent of natural law, the law of nations in the international context. Throughout, the methodological implications are drawn for modern historians of political thought and political philosophers who venture to theorise about international relations.  相似文献   

7.
This article analyses some of the international legal issues arising out of the events of 11 September 2001. Those who perpetrated the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon were guilty of serious offences under United States law and possibly also under international law. The fact that their conduct was a crime does not, however, preclude it also being a threat to international peace and an armed attack. The author argues that the United States and its allies were entitled to respond to that attack and the threat of future attacks by using force against Al-Qa'ida and that, in the circumstances, it was also legitimate to take military action against the Taliban regime in Afghanistan which had sheltered Al-Qa'ida and permitted it to conduct operations from Afghan territory. The article also examines the application of the laws of armed conflict to the ensuing fighting and the status and treatment of those captured and held at Guantanamo Bay.  相似文献   

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冷战结束后,论者多认为雅尔塔体系已经"崩溃"。但是从国际体系的视角来看,这种提法并不正确。它混淆了国际体系、国际格局和国际秩序这三个概念,与当代国际关系发展的实践也不相符合①。国际体系、国际格局和国际秩序并不是一回事,国际格局的崩溃,并不就等于国际体系的崩溃;冷战的结束,只是美苏两极格局的寿终正寝,而不是雅尔塔体系的崩溃。雅尔塔体系是在吸取了人类数百年来建立国际体系的经验教训、特别是吸收了凡尔赛——华盛顿体系的经验教训基础上,建立的一个机制较为完善、国际秩序相对稳定的国际体系。冷战结束后,这个体系不仅没有崩溃,而且还有发展,有力地维护着第二次世界大战后世界的均势与和平②。  相似文献   

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International political theory and the question of justice   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The aim of the international justice theorist is to find coherence among ideas about justice at the international or global level. Linking justice to coercion and law can bridge the gap between just war theory and theories of international distributive justice. The idea of humanitarian intervention illustrates how the argument might go. Underlying that idea is the idea of a duty to protect. That duty is often thought to be an imperfect and therefore unenforceable duty based on a principle of beneficence. But we can also think of it as a perfect, enforceable duty to resist the violent, where that duty rests directly on the principle of respect, unmediated by beneficence. Respect also implies action to prevent non-violent harms. To do nothing while people are dying of starvation or disease is to fail to respect them as human beings by making their wellbeing a matter of indifference. We can therefore justly be compelled to prevent such harms by being taxed to support efforts to prevent them. A theory of justice that made the duty to protect central would ground the theory of international distributive justice in the justice—coercion link that underlies just war theory.  相似文献   

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通过对拉美历史上四次国际移民历史和趋向的发展变化、非法移民及其原因、移民侨汇对国民经济的重大影响、移民跨国中小企业的形成与发展等方面的分析,探讨了拉丁美洲与加勒比地区国际移民的历史、现状以及中国移民在这一地区的生存与发展空间。  相似文献   

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张程程 《神州》2014,(18):280-280
TakeMcConeCompanyasanexample1.IntroductionNowadays,the economic resurgence after the worldwide eco-nomic crisis is weak and unstable.Companies have to take the in-ternational business environment changes into account when theydo the international business.These changes usually have signifi-cant impacts on their business.In order to operate regularly,getmore profits,and avoid international risks,it is essential for a com-  相似文献   

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何建民 《旅游科学》2012,26(1):36-50
国际金融危机对世界国际旅游业影响的传导机制是什么?对其影响进行科学分析与预测的指标是什么?其影响的状况与特点是什么?其影响的趋势及我国的对策又是什么?本文运用国际经济学与旅游经济学原理,收集分析世界经济与世界国际旅游业发展的统计资料,对具有代表性的旅行社、旅游饭店与旅游景区点进行调查研究,同时对我国国际化程度最高的世界著名旅游城市香港进行比较研究,从而回答上述问题。本文的主要内容包括:(1)国际金融危机对世界国际旅游业发展影响的传导机制与分析预测指标的构建与验证;(2)国际金融危机对世界国际旅游业发展影响的现状、特征与趋势,以及我国的对策研究。  相似文献   

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In recent years, International Relations theorists have turned to philosophy in search of new ontological and epistemological foundations or to clarify their existing commitments. Scientific Realism and International Relations, edited by Jonathan Joseph and Colin Wight, is a good example of the former: editors and contributors make the case for Scientific Realism—a leading philosophy of science—in International Relations. Patrick Thaddeus Jackson, author of The conduct of inquiry in International Relations, is motivated by the latter concern, and devises a typology based on two key fissures among social scientists: the relationships between the knower and the known, and between knowledge and observation. The Joseph and Wight volume, while containing some thoughtful essays, does not convince the reviewer that assumptions that might apply in the physical world are relevant to its social counterpart. The Jackson book is an intellectual tour de force and a compelling plea for pluralism.  相似文献   

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International treaties shape the legal context for the arts, provide policy tools for political ends, and reveal roles of the arts in state identity. Culture‐specific instruments, general agreements with cultural provisions, general agreements without culture‐specific provisions, and general statements of principle are all pertinent. Since 1990, treaties have intervened in the global division of labor and the entry of works into the art market, forced transformations of domestic law, and illuminated ways in which differences in legal cultures are valuable for those who would break the law. Treaties highlight complexities of national identity, exacerbate national/regional tensions, support restitution, and draw attention to human rights issues. Conflicts over art have also become an explicit part of the world of foreign policy.  相似文献   

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