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This paper explores how piracy was defined and eventually reduced in the South China seas between 1842 and 1869. In the early 1840s, a large increase in maritime raiding led British agents to complain about the unwillingness of Qing officials to suppress disorder and drove the Hong Kong administration to propose its own solutions. British metropolitan officials nonetheless rejected many of these measures, arguing that they ran counter to established international maritime laws that made the Qing responsible for policing Chinese waters. Attempts were made to write this responsibility into the treaty which followed the Arrow War in 1860, but it was changes in the Qing state in the 1850s and 1860s which led Qing officials to treat small-scale maritime raiding as seriously as that of large rebel pirate fleets. The new Imperial Maritime Customs Service created an incentive to prevent smuggling and piracy which could deter trade and hence decrease customs revenue. The case suggests, first, that the large reduction in maritime raiding rested on Sino–British compromise and, second, that Britain used international maritime laws as much to control the expansive ambitions of Hong Kong as to encourage changes in Qing practices.  相似文献   

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This essay challenges the ‘methodological territorialism’ and ‘methodological nationalism’ prevalent in recent studies of imperial biographies, examining the role of the German Karl Friedrich August Gützlaff (1801–1851) in establishing a transnational form of free-trade imperialism in China. A native of Prussia and a missionary by training, Gützlaff was first posted in the Netherlands East Indies before associating himself with British interests on the China coast. However, his loyalty was not limited to one imperialist power. In the 1840s, Gützlaff promoted German trade with China, and at certain points of time he also supported American as well as Scandinavian interests. In addition to making a name for himself as a cultural broker and promoter of free trade and diplomatic representation, he also became involved with various forms of imperialism, from the more fluid commercial variant to the more formalised power structures of territorial rule. The case of Gützlaff therefore lends itself to a reflection about the permeable and shifting boundaries of empires. Moreover, it calls for a reassessment of German imperialism in the period before 1871, showing how Germany's involvement with ‘Western’ global expansion was palpable and not merely confined to the realm of colonial fantasy.  相似文献   

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《Northern history》2013,50(1):113-127
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This article examines the opinions, arguments and actions which led to the foundation of universities in the North: in alphabetical order, Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester, Sheffield. Among the topics discussed are: the availability of funding from private sources, the extent of local (especially aristocratic) support, the limited involvement of governments, the differing attitudes towards science and technology, and civic rivalries. Essential features of the ‘university movement’ are displayed, along with the assumptions and ambitions of the Victorians, locally and nationally.  相似文献   

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Rendezvous and winter camps were central to the early Rocky Mountain fur trade. However, available research provides no estimate of the number of people in attendance. Knowledge of the size and demographic makeup of the mountain gatherings would facilitate research on camp socio-cultural dynamics, interpretation of the historic events, and identification of modern archeological sites. The present study estimates the number of people present at the early rendezvous and winter camps (1825–1830). The estimations support existing research that emphasizes Native people's involvement in the fur trade. For instance, of the 1550 estimated attendees at the 1827 rendezvous, the Native contingent comprised approximately 90% of the total. While it is commonly known that Native peoples attended and participated in the Rocky Mountain fur trade rendezvous, this research presents evidence that the Native presence often far outnumbered the traders and trappers in attendance.  相似文献   

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In the tumultuous years after the Sino-Japanese war the Maritime Customs Service reeled from one crisis to another, threatened by growing competition among the foreign powers to extract concessions and by the brutal Boxer war. Chinese political elites increasingly viewed the Customs with suspicion and sought to limit its influence. Meanwhile, the service suffered from deep internal dissention. Ageing Inspector General Sir Robert Hart – much celebrated in public – was criticised privately for his autocratic style and unwillingness to make reforms. Frustrated senior Customs officers lobbied for support in London. The Foreign Office viewed maintaining British predominance in the service as an important priority, only to see Hart undermine its efforts to establish a widely acceptable successor. While Hart always insisted that the Customs was a servant of the Chinese government, over the last decade of his career the service was increasingly alienated from its Chinese master, and became ever more an expression of imperial – particularly British – interests in China.  相似文献   

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In 1750, Parliament created the Company of Merchants Trading to Africa to facilitate Britain's African trade by maintaining a series of beneficial coastal structures and relations. Along the Gold Coast, the company officers found that traditional and new indigenous structures dictated their relationship with their main trading partners the Fante. Palavers, taking fetish, the status of messengers, pawnship and redemption, and the flying of flags defined the nature of coastal relations and ensured that both sides obtained from the other what they desired. They did this by integrating the company into coastal affairs and in doing so made the company into a tenant-patron. By defining the company in this manner, and by using these structures to acquire goods and services from the company, which coastally was known as eating, the Fante effectively controlled the company to their advantage.  相似文献   

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This study of the introduction of telegraphy to China in the late-nineteenth century tells three interrelated stories: China’s pursuit of telegraphic sovereignty with its strategic networking of the empire in the period 1881–99; the functioning of China’s hybrid express courier-telegraphic communications infrastructure; and the international communications crisis during the Boxer Uprising and the “Siege of the Legations” in 1900. The material reality of two inter-connected networks—the privately owned Imperial Telegraph Administration network and the government-run telegraph network—allowed Qing-era Beijing and its provincial governors to communicate with much greater speed. The materiality of these networks—how this new communications technology affected the practical realities of government communications, including the ease of lateral communications between provincial governors—is explored in the context of the communications crisis of 1900. In May and June of 1900 all telegraph lines to Beijing, and throughout much of North China, were cut or otherwise destroyed. While these blinded Western governments are no longer able to exchange telegrams with their Beijing-based envoys, the Qing express courier system continued to operate. Moreover, both the court and provincial officials quickly improvised ad hoc telegraphic communication protocols through the use of “transfer telegrams” (zhuandian) that relied on mounted express couriers between Beijing and those North China telegraph stations with working network connections. This assessment of real-time secret imperial communications between the Qing court and the provinces is based on the documentary register Suishou dengji (Records of [documents] at hand) maintained by communications managers in the Grand Council. China lost its telegraphic sovereignty in the capital region when Allied troops occupied the Beijing-Tianjin line of communications in the summer and fall of 1900. Moreover, Western dreams of laying, landing, and controlling submarine cables on the China coast were finally realized in North China by the end of 1900. The British, therefore, were able to add a critical section to their planned global network of secure telegraphic communications. China’s recognition of the Western and Japanese right of protecting the Beijing-Tianjin line of communications was codified in Article 9 of the Boxer Protocol of September 1901. These losses of China’s telegraphic sovereignty would not be completely reversed until after 1949.  相似文献   

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