Ronald Reagan,the Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign and the Nuclear scare of the 1980s

This article examines the Reagan's administration response to the nuclear scare and the ensuing antinuclear mobilization of the early 1980s. Specifically, it analyses the interaction between the Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign (NWFC) and the Administration's Nuclear Arms Control Information Policy Group (NACIPIG), the ad hoc interdepartmental group created in order to counter the NWFC's influence on public opinion and regain control of the debate on nuclear arms negotiations. By looking simultaneously at the NACIPIG's records and the nuclear freeze campaign documents, the article analyses the interplay between the movement and the executive branch, aiming at understand how the White House responded to the domestic antinuclear challenge and in which way the movement influenced public opinion and affected in the end policy-making. The purpose is to offer a nuanced understanding of the role played by the antinuclear movement that, through its pressure on the U.S. public opinion and Congress, induced Reagan first to temper his bellicose rhetoric and then to alter his negotiating strategy with the Soviets.     

A Rogue is a Rogue is a Rogue: US Foreign Policy and the Korean Nuclear Crisis

Two nuclear crises recently haunted the Korean peninsula, one in 1993/4, the other in 2002/3. In each case the events were strikingly similar: North Korea made public its ambition to acquire nuclear weapons and withdrew from the Nonproliferation Treaty. Then the situation rapidly deteriorated until the peninsular was literally on the verge of war. The dangers of North Korea's actions, often interpreted as nuclear brinkmanship, are evident and much discussed, but not so the underlying patterns that have shaped the conflict in the first place. This article sheds light on some of them. It examines the role of the United States in the crisis, arguing that Washington's inability to see North Korea as anything but a threatening 'rogue state' seriously hinders both an adequate understanding and possible resolution of the conflict. Particularly significant is the current policy of pre-emptive strikes against rogue states, for it reinforces half a century of American nuclear threats towards North Korea. The problematic role of these threats has been largely obscured, not least because the highly technical discourse of security analysis has managed to present the strategic situation on the peninsula in a manner that attributes responsibility for the crisis solely to North Korea's actions, even if the situation is in reality far more complex and interactive.     

Turkey and the Palestinian Question: The Shift of Roles in Foreign Policy

For Turkey, which was seeking a leading role in the Middle East, the Palestinian Question became a priority in its foreign policy during the late 1990s. In this article, it is argued that the role Turkey primarily espoused in the resolution of the Palestinian Question in the period 2000–2009 has mainly been that of a communicator. Nonetheless, in times of crises between Palestine and Israel, Ankara lost its neutrality and credibility to some extent, as it shifted to the role of guardian of Palestinians and proponent of Palestine, thereby undermining its communicator role. Finally, this dilemma in Turkish foreign policy in the Palestinian Question was the fundamental impediment to Turkey's sustainable and constructive contribution to the settlement of the problem in the examined period.     

Nuclear Weapons: The Global and Popular Context of Policy

Book reviewed:
Lawrence S. Wittner. Toward Nuclear Abolition: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement , 1971 to the Present . Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003. 491 pp. Notes, bibliography, index. $75.00 (cloth), $32.95 (paper).     

The Unflinching Mr. Smith and the Nuclear Age**

This article focuses on the U.S. diplomat and nuclear arms control negotiator Gerald (Gerry) Coat Smith in order to cast new light on the importance of diplomats in the context of the set of international activities currently labelled as “science diplomacy.” Smith, a lawyer by training, was a key negotiator in many international agreements on post-WW2 atomic energy projects, from those on uranium prospecting and mining, to reactors technologies to later ones on non-proliferation and disarmament. His career in science (nuclear) diplomacy also epitomized the shortcomings of efforts to align other countries’ posture on nuclear affairs to U.S. wishes. In particular, the unswerving diplomat increasingly understood that strong-arm tactics to dissuade other countries from acquiring nuclear weapons would not limit proliferation. Not only did this inform later U.S. diplomacy approaches, but it lent itself to the ascendancy of the new notion of “soft power” as critical to the re-definition of international affairs.     

1958-1964年的英国核裁军运动

1958—1964年的英国核裁军运动,是一场以中产阶级为主体的颇具影响力的社会运动。运动的基本目标是反对核军备竟赛,主张推迟、禁止、甚至完全取消英国和其他国家的核试验,削减核军备。它反映了战后英国社会对核武器和核战争前景的恐惧心理。但运动内部,尤其是运动的组织领导者成分复杂,对战争的理解、英国的防务政策以及运动的战略和策略分歧广泛而深刻,从而造成内部协调和合作的困难,最终导致运动的衰落和解体。     

The Return of the Primacy of Foreign Policy

The debate on the ‘primacy of foreign policy’, whichraged throughout the 1960s and 1970s, has long since peteredout. The introductory chapter to this collection of new studiesin the primacy of foreign policy in German history begins bysummarizing its main tenets, and tries to sketch the historiographicalbackground in broad outline. It notes that the primacy of foreignpolicy was neither completely unchallenged before about 1960,nor totally eclipsed by 1980. More importantly, this chapterdraws attention to the remarkable renaissance which the primacyof foreign policy has enjoyed, objectively if not always subjectively,over the past decade. The result has been to put the state,and especially the struggle between states, back at the centreof historical attention. Finally, the chapter stresses the thematic,geographical, methodological and chronological diversity ofthe four path breaking case studies which make up this specialissue. These range from the late eighteenth to the mid-twentiethcenturies, and they illuminate the primacy of foreign policyfrom the perspective of Vienna as well as Berlin, from the civil-militaryas well as the individual state perspective. The result, itis hoped, is an enhanced sense of the importance of the primacyof foreign policy in German history based on original research.     

南意诺曼人的对外政策

诺曼人是在11、12世纪南意列强争峙、奔突交锋的逐鹿场上,凭借其冒险性、意志力和机巧善变的权谋而勃然兴起的,然而到头来其政权也同样是在这纷繁迷离的外交风云中悄然失却的。诚可谓,兴也外交,衰也外交。