'Away From Tokyo': The Pacific Islands war crimes trials, 1945-1949

Over the years, a certain mantra has arisen in academic circles involving the post-World War II war crimes trials. Nuremberg, it is said, was a needed display of 'allied justice' and 'democratic fair play'. The Tokyo and Pacific region trials were exercises in 'victor's justice' and 'racism'. Accenting the determined, precedent-setting work of the Pacific Islands war crimes trials on Guam, 'Away from Tokyo' argues that justice was served well there. Evil should never go unpunished. Based on archival research at the Micronesian Area Research Center the US Territory of Guam, Stanford University and the Douglas MacArthur Memorial Archives, this paper examines the good work of both the prosecution and defence teams on Guam. Few trial participants viewed their efforts as part of a larger conspiracy of revenge and racism. In fact, that conspiracy never existed. 'Away from Tokyo' attempts to set the record straight, and re-examines some dramatic cases at the same time.     

蒋介石与战后学潮(1945—1949)

战后频发的学潮集中暴露出国民政府在外交、经济、地方管制等领域所面临的严重危机。作为执政者的蒋介石,其学潮应对却是无解的困局。首先,蒋难以有效控制党内各级干部,甚或各派系为争权夺利主动参与乃至组织学潮,蒋受主客观环境困扰,无法有效消除派系政治的破坏性影响。同时,蒋学潮认知思维模式固化,过于强调中共的领导作用,忽视了学生合理诉求与党内弊端。而蒋在处理各类学潮的过程中,没有清晰的应对策略,往往在制裁与疏导、纵容与压制之间犹豫不决,国民政府在各地连续不断的学生抗议声中迈向崩溃的边缘。     

1931年—1945年的中国通史撰述

抗战时期史学领域呈现出一种与以往不同的新的研究趋势 ,即对中国通史的研究与撰述的关注和重视 ,这一新的研究趋势是时代与社会的客观需求和史家的主体自觉共同促成的。这一时期的通史撰述对通史编撰理论作了深入探讨 ,在历史观、史书体裁等诸多方面可谓异彩纷呈 ,显示出史坛的勃勃生机     

The fateful Indian recognition of West Germany, 1949

India’s recognition of West, but not East, Germany was the foundation of an inconsistent policy on Germany from India and many other non-aligned countries. It was the outcome of a lack of professionalism, indecisiveness, the pragmatic considerations of a junior Indian diplomat in Berlin, and the laconic approval of the anti-communist secretary-general of the Ministry of External Affairs, Girja Shankar Bajpai. Neither Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru nor his advisor V.K. Krishnan Menon were involved at all. Officials around Foreign Secretary K.P.S. Menon held that the GDR should also be recognised in due course, but did not exercise sufficient influence. India would stand by its decision for 23 years and thereby set an example for other non-aligned countries.     

美国对奥地利政策的演变（1945—1955年）

第二次世界大战结束以后 ,美国对奥地利政策偏离了《莫斯科宣言》的方向 ,将奥地利作为被盟国解放的国家 ,反对追究奥地利的战争责任 ,极力推动奥地利的经济复兴和国内秩序稳定。美国国家安全委员会第 38 4号文件和第 1 6 4 1号文件乃是美国对奥地利政策的重要纲领。美国以奥地利只能向苏联支付实物赔偿和武装中立为条件 ,同意签署《奥地利国家条约》。促进奥地利的亲西方倾向 ,成为美国对奥地利政策的长期目标与重要特点。     

Time Consuming: Women's Radio and the Reconstruction of National Narratives in Western Germany 1945-1948

The question of the proper place of women in German societywas one of the most pressing issues of the time immediatelyafter the Second World War. The sheer numerical disproportionof women to men in Germany, combined with the expanded publicroles many women had adopted during wartime, meant that therewas hardly a debate about postwar German society that was notin some way touched by this question. The expanded role andvisibility of women in the immediate postwar era coincided withthe unprecedented dominance of the radio, which had emergedfrom the war as the best preserved means of mass communication,information and cheap entertainment. This article shows theimportant role played by the radio, and in particular women'sprogrammes, in helping to shape the role and visions of womenin the developing West German society. Based on an analysisof the way women's programmes addressed the activity of womenin society, it is argued that in the years of scarcity beforethe 1948 currency reform, women's time gained unprecedentedvalue as a consumer ‘commodity’. In particular,the efforts of women's programmes to structure and disciplinewomen's use of time contributed significantly to the discourseof women as consumer citizens that developed dominance in thesocial market economy of the Federal Republic. The image ofthe female time consumer was combined in women's programmeswith essential notions of femininity to create new narrativesof German national identity. Within the broader context of thedebate on the role of women in society, radio programming ofthe immediate postwar years helped to embed certain discourseson femininity, consumption and Germanness that later developedin 1950s society.     

The Presidency and National Security: Presidential Foreign Policymaking, 1945-1999

Busby, Robert. Reagan and the Iran-Contra Affair: The Politics of Presidential Recovery. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999. Pp. xi, 222. $65.00, hardbound.

Garrison, Jean A. Games Advisors Play: Foreign Policy in the Nixon and Carter Administrations. College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, 1999. Pp. xi, 192. $34.95, hardbound.

Hogan, Michael J. A Cross of Iron: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of the National Security State, 1945-1954. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Pp. v, 525. $37.95, hardbound.

Hyland, William G. Clinton's World: Remaking American Foreign Policy. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999. Pp. i, 221. $24.95, hardbound.     

No Italian Stalingrads. The C.G.I.L. and the working class in the northern industrial heartlands, 1945-1955

ABSTRACT

This article challenges conventional wisdom on the northern Italian industrial heartlands during the first decade after the Second World War. For there still exists a certain mythology about the post-war proletarian north as a region that was both intensely political and united in purpose. What this article demonstrates is that the ‘industrial triangle’ of Genoa, Milan and Turin was far more divided than historians have assumed. By revisiting the manifold (wildcat) strikes, trade union demonstrations, and factory occupations of the early post-war years, it shows the industrial north to be divided along both social and geographical lines. In doing so, it sheds fresh light on the series of defeats that the main Italian trade union confederation (C.G.I.L.) suffered in the late 1940s and early 1950s. It argues that these defeats were due as much to the explicit politicization of labour struggles and their exclusive focus on the interests of skilled workers as to the hostile socio-political climate in which the C.G.I.L. had to operate.