美利坚文明的历史起源

本文以公司土地的私有化和“共耕制”的废除为转折点,以及由此引起的三大问题,即印、白关系的急剧恶化、对劳动力的巨大需求和管理问题的日益突出为线索,探讨了原来的英国特许商业公司怎样在北美的殖民过程中逐渐发生嬗变,又怎样在解决上述三大实际问题的过程中,一方面在经济上引入雇佣劳动制、白人契约奴和黑人奴隶制,另一方面则在管理上引入贵族的或平民的代议制,进而在内容和形式上为一个正在诞生的新的社会构建起一种独特的结构,从而对美利坚文明的历史起源作出社会历史学的和系统的解释。     

The Urban Village,Agrarian Transformation,and Rentier Capitalism in Gurgaon,India

Gurgaon, India's “millennium city”, is today synonymous with India's embrace of global real estate capital and private sector‐led urban development. This paper asserts that Gurgaon's spectacular urbanisation has been fundamentally underpinned by an uneven process of land acquisition, exemption and agrarian transformation. Shifting away from dispossession‐centred analyses of contemporary urbanisation in India, this paper explores Gurgaon's “urban villages” to consider the uneven integration of agrarian classes into emerging urban real estate markets. Through an examination of differential experiences of land acquisition and agrarian social change among Gurgaon's landowning classes, the paper seeks to trace complex and nonlinear processes of agrarian transformation which make possible landscapes of global accumulation.     

美国“冰雪带”现象成因探析

美国东北部和中西部在二战后的衰落被称为冰雪带现象,集中体现了后工业化条件下老工业区面临的困境。该地区的支柱产业——传统制造业的衰退是冰雪带衰落的根本原因。联邦财政政策、投资环境以及国际竞争等因素也加剧了冰雪带的衰落。东北部和中西部较为保守的化氛围,是其未能在短时期内顺利转型的重要原因。     

探寻美国革命的思想渊源——保罗·拉厄的《古代和现代的共和国》与共和主义范式之争

保罗.拉厄的《古代和现代的共和国:古典共和主义与美国革命》以共和主义为主题探讨了古典共和主义与美国革命的关系。拉厄力图开辟研究美国革命和建国的新路径,对共和学派的主旨和研究方法提出修正。《古代和现代的共和国》不仅体现了拉厄对共和学派主将波科克的挑战与批判,而且反映了20世纪60年代以来美国早期史研究领域的派别之争以及史学理论和研究方法的变动。他同时受到施特劳斯学派和自由主义传统史学的影响,卷入了施特劳斯学派与共和学派之间,"新洛克派"与共和学派之间的学术辩论。但他又不是完全照搬两派的主旨和研究方法,而是在两派的核心观点和研究方法基础上提出了新见解。     

试论美国工业化的起源

学术界对于美国工业化起源的一般说法是:由于拿破仑战争的影响和向西部的开拓带来东部农业和商业的衰退,引起商业资本向制造业转移.本文在借鉴原工业化理论的基础上试图指出:美国从奠基时代开始,就与世界上最先进的国家站在了同一个起跑线上.建国以后,它在殖民地时期所奠定的工场手工业的基础上,又积极借鉴英国的先进技术,利用东部繁荣的农业所带来的旺盛的市场需求,结合当地的实际情况,走上了一条越来越远离英国的工业化发展道路.     

Capitalism,Nationalism and the New American Empire

This article draws on Pareto's theory of elites to explore the relationship between American capitalism and American nationalism, and to connect the invasion of Iraq to classical theories of imperialism. Globalisation has changed the structure of the American economy and promoted interests that have an increased stake in free trade. Neither these interests nor the oil companies advocated intervention in Iraq. Globalisation also accelerated the decline of older industries that were inclined to be protectionist, but these were not prominent advocates of the invasion either. Winners and losers, however, were both deeply affected by the wider consequences of rapid economic change, which generated uncertainty about the direction society was taking and concern about its moral foundations. These anxieties prepared the way for a conservative revival based on family, faith and flag that enabled the neo-conservatives to transform conservative patriotism into assertive nationalism after 9/11. In the short term, the invasion of Iraq was a manifestation of national unity. Placed in a longer perspective, it reveals a growing divergence between new globalised interests, which rely on cross-border negotiation, and insular nationalist interests, which seek to rebuild fortress America.     

The Politics of Transnational Agrarian Movements

The transnational agrarian movements (TAMs) which have emerged in recent decades have been actively engaged in the politics and policies of international (rural) development. Intergovernmental and non‐governmental development agencies have welcomed and supported TAMs in the context of promoting international ‘partnerships for development’. The analysis in this article revolves around the politics of TAM representation, intermediation and mobilization around the issue of land. It focuses on La Vía Campesina in relation to three other coalitions: the International Federation of Agricultural Producers, IPC for Food Sovereignty and International Land Coalition. It is argued here that ‘people linked to the land’ are socially differentiated and thus have varied experiences of neoliberal globalization. Their social movements and organizations are just as differentiated, ideologically, politically and institutionally. This differentiation is internalized within and between TAMs, and partly shapes TAMs’ political agendas and strategies in their interaction with international development institutions.