The Prosecution of Informers in Eastern Germany, 1945–51

This work is an examination of the practices and experiences of administering transitional justice in post-war eastern Germany after 1945, examining the adjudication of informers as indirect perpetrators of crimes against humanity. Allied occupation law allowed for the prosecution of informers retroactively in the German courts through legislation specifically enacted for the purpose of prosecuting crimes against humanity. The implementation of the law and the prosecution of informers in the Soviet occupation zone under the auspices of the military government administration, and then later in the early years of German Democratic Republic of Germany is examined. This work also addresses the theoretical and practical problems associated with the implementation of the law, and the lessons to be drawn from this historically significant attempt to call individuals to account for their crimes against humanity after they had occurred through the use of retroactive legislation.     

The demon of technology,mass society,and atomic physics in West Germany, 1945–1957

In the cultural‐political literature of post‐1945 West Germany, atomic energy often functioned as the most potent image of a “demon of technology” fraught with both enormous potential and enormous danger. These critiques of techno‐science also represented a traditional critique of “mass society,” whose erstwhile anti‐western sentiments now had to be sublimated. As the Cold War developed, discussion shifted to ambivalence about Germany's place in the struggle between superpowers, and the “demon of technology” sentiment shifted away from the conservative end of the spectrum. The controversy over the “Göttingen Eighteen” anti‐armaments manifesto of nuclear physicists is indicative of these shifts.     

“A Fatherland worth living in”: Anarchism,citizenship and nation in Bolivia, 1900–1941

This paper analyses the particular role played by anarchism in early 20th century discussions concerning the Bolivian nation and citizenship. Based on a diverse corpus of documents and extended specialised literature, I will argue that between the 1920s and 1940s the local anarchist movement took part in these debates by rejecting the Creole oligarchy's definition of the nation and proposing one of its own. Ideologically, this intervention meant imagining a different, more inclusive national community made up of racialised and gendered identities. Practically, it implied fighting against internal colonialism, struggling for equal citizenship, and defending the ethnic and gender identity and human dignity of mestizos, cholas, and indigenous people. By reconstructing these debates and some anarchist “ethno-classist” struggles of the period, I approach the anticolonial orientation of Bolivian anarchism, and more generally, examine a historical experience in which subaltern subjectivities intervened in nation-building away from a statist, Western and patriarchal path.     

Unfinished Business from Potsdam: Britain,West Germany,and the Oder-Neisse Line, 1945–1962

Abstract

William Waldegrave Palmer, second earl of Selborne, took up his appointment as first lord of the admiralty in the marquess of Salisbury's third administration on 1 November 1900. This was Salisbury's recently acquired son-in-law's first experience of high office. Initially, as will be seen, Selborne regarded France and Russia as constituting the sole threat to British naval supremacy. Indeed, for reasons entirely to do with ‘economy’s, he was prepared to envisage the making of an alliance with Germany. He maintained this stance throughout 1901. At some point in the course of 1902, however, he displayed a dramatic change in outlook, which it is the purpose of this article to describe and, by pinning down the date with more precision than did Selborne himself in correspondence with Arthur J. Marder in 1938, to explain.1 A.J. Marder, TheAnatomy of British Sea Power: A Histo~ of B~tish Naval Policy in the Pre-Dreadnought Era, 1880–1905 (London, 1940), p. 464.