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士兵运动工作是我军政治工作的重要组成部分,是战胜敌人、壮大自己的重要法宝。在第二次革命战争初期,党的士兵运动工作的主要任务是分化和瓦解国民党军队、支援土地革命。随着中日民族矛盾的上升,士兵运动工作的主要任务转到争取国民党军队联合抗日上来,并对抗日民族统一战线的建立起到了巨大的推动作用。  相似文献   

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20世纪初,以宣传、鼓吹社会革命为中心的《俄事警闻》、《警钟日报》,将反缠足问题纳入救亡图存、解放女性的社会变革运动中,揭露缠足的危害,引导女子反思,劝导女子不缠足;将戒除缠足与救亡图存、强国保种和提高女性权利结合起来,宣传女子不缠足对女子自身健康和繁衍种类的积极作用,促成女性自觉醒悟,放弃缠足;用近代西方进化论和女权学说论证缠足是陋俗、国耻;将解除女性生理束缚和精神钳制联系起来,创办女学和女工传习所,提高女子思想文化水平,培养女子谋生能力,以达到女性最终能自立自强。20世纪初年的不缠足运动不但要解除女性的生理束缚,而且开始倡导女性的精神解放,推动了女性解放运动向纵深发展。  相似文献   

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Abstract

This article explores the arrival of the first Russian resident ambassador to the Ottoman Empire in a period when Russian diplomacy underwent major transformations. It focuses on Peter A. Tolstoi’s network and the management of information gathered during the first year of his appointment in Adrianople (1702–03). The article revisits the notion of resident ambassador, not as a hallmark of ‘modern European diplomacy’ with an overemphasis on the diplomat as a state-representative and office-holder, on the states system, or on institutional reform, but to suggest that a resident embassy in the early modern period was more than a formal, self-contained, and sovereign institution located in a particular place. The transformation from ad-hoc to resident diplomacy in Russian–Ottoman relations did not originate from the adoption of European diplomatic norms alone: it created new or relied on the existing trans-imperial networks of the ambassador rather than on bilateral inter-state relations. The example of Russian–Ottoman relations demonstrates that while the new diplomacy introduced by Peter I was driven by Europeanization and reform, the transformations emerged from the adaptation to circumstances in different locations and depended on the development of contacts embedded in the geo-cultural and religious entanglements of the region.  相似文献   

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洪荣昌 《中国钱币》2009,(2):40-40,39
进入二十一世纪,人们对期票开始关注,尤其对二十世纪六十年代初期各省银行发行的期票进行了考证,许多收藏家发表了诸多非常有见解的文章。2004年1月,台湾新竹的期票收藏爱好者李维枫先生撰文于王宣瑞先生主编的《世纪珍藏》,称他十多年来的研究中,发现大陆最早的期票是晋察冀边区银行辽西支行期票,该期票发行时间为1945年9月。  相似文献   

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While Myanmar's recent military coup has devastated many people in the country, particularly those from the Bamar majority, who had been enjoying a decade of quasi-democracy, it has also produced a massive uprising against the military's seizure of power that appears to constitute a revolution. This is because amidst protests, general strikes, and guerrilla warfare, this majority has also been grappling with the failures of the last 10 years: through conversations facilitated by social media platforms, some are not only demanding changes to their democratic leadership's authoritarian chauvinism but are acknowledging the structural inequalities and exclusions built into Myanmar society.  相似文献   

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