The Soviet government since Khrushchev

In 1965 Khrushchev's successors reversed most of his innovations in the structure of the Council of Ministers. Since then turnover in its membership has been very low, but has lately accelerated owing to age‐related deaths and retirements and other places have been created to head new agencies, so that it is again becoming an important arena for competition for high office. New government members are of two career types: “career specialists”, who have worked mainly in the field concerned, if not the particular ministry, and “party generalists”, who have risen mainly through the regional party machine. Some expansion of the latter at the expense of the former is identified, and the distribution of the two types in various policy areas is examined. The 1965 changes sharply reduced party tutelage over the government machine, but various internal and international factors have since led to a progressive reversal of this, and the channels through which this has been pursued are considered. Next, recent and possible future developments in the “inner cabinet” are discussed in relation to the structure of supreme power, and finally the significance of continued delays in long‐promised constitutional revision is noted.     

1939-1945年苏联的东欧政策剖析

从第二次世界大战前夕的1939年到1945年战争结束后,无论是在战前短暂的和平时期,还是在炮火连天的激烈战争环境中,苏联从没有忘记,也从不忽视对东欧地区的争夺。它先是与法西斯德国,继而与英国,最后与美英集团多次谈判、斗争和妥协,对该地区进行了多次划分和交易。关于这一问题的研究,国内外尚未见有专,涉及的作倒不鲜见,     

The Soviet Union and Mosaddeq: A Research Note

Although it is generally accepted that the Soviet Union did not play a significant role in the events leading to the overthrow of Mohammed Mosaddeq in 1953, little has been written about how the Soviets perceived the Iranian leader and the movement he inspired. This article argues that Soviet leaders generally saw Mosaddeq as weak and ill-disposed towards the Soviet Union. The Soviet failure to secure an oil concession in Iran in 1946 and general conservatism about anti-colonial movements during the late Stalin period conditioned their assessment of Mosaddeq's premiership. After Soviet policy towards the Third World changed in the mid-1950s, Mosaddeq's movement was reinterpreted as a genuine “struggle of national liberation.”     

Visit of Soviet leaders Nikita Khrushchev and Nicholas Bulganin to Britain in April 1956

This article examines the visit of Soviet leaders Nikita Khrushchev and Nicholas Bulganin to Britain in April 1956. It concludes that the closer acquaintance of the leaders of the USSR and Britain, the establishment of personal ties between them, and the clarification of mutual positions at the uneasy talks in London played a positive role in Soviet-British relations.     

The Soviet Union and the creation of the International Atomic Energy Agency

The Soviet Union responded sceptically to Eisenhower’s ‘Atoms for Peace’ speech in December 1953 but eventually entered negotiations on the creation of the International Atomic Energy Agency. It believed the IAEA would provide opportunities for political influence and scientific collaboration. It did not want the peaceful uses of atomic energy around the world to be dominated by the United States. It pressed for close ties between the new agency and the United Nations and supported India and other developing countries in their opposition to safeguards. The new Agency was to be a forum for competition as well as cooperation.     

30年代的中苏文化交流

“九一八”事变后,国民党出于外交方针的需要,着手恢复和改善中苏关系,并在一定程度上减弱了国内反苏宣传活动,企图以开展中苏文化交流来实现自己的政治目的,这一状况为中国知识界和文化艺术界介绍苏联文化,增进中苏文化交流,宣传中苏友谊提供了现实可能性,从而形成了30年代中苏文化交流的高潮。     

苏联瓦解的文化因素

在苏联存在的74年间,苏联共产党带领苏联人民建设社会主义曾经取得举世瞩目的成就,但是执政的苏共未能始终坚持列宁倡导并身体力行的理论创新精神,在文化建设上发生了重大失误：因背弃马列主义使全党全民失去了精神支柱,文化力转向;民族主义和宗教极端主义的出现,使维系国家统一的文化力散向;社会道德严重恶化,人民不再相信共产党和政府,使文化力弱化。三种力量结合在一起导致苏共领导下的改革走上了一条不归路。