抗日战争时期的华侨与中国工业合作运动

抗日战争时期,世界的华侨给中国各种的支援,这是众所周知的事实.而关于这个专题的研究在战后很长的阶段里却没有展开,直至最近,在中国关于华侨支援抗战的研究,才取得了一定的进展.华侨对中国工业合作运动(以下简称“工合”运动)的积极支持也得到充分的评价.“工合”运动,是为了重建被日本侵略毁灭的工业而产生的小规模合作社式的工业自救运动,也是公开宣称为在国民政府行政院管辖下的抗日统一战线的运动.“工合”是由海伦·斯诺提出的构想,埃德加·斯诺加以宣传,路易·艾黎则积极推进展开形成.计划草案是由上海的实业界和文化界人士胡愈之、梁士纯、王艺生、王国秀、王立明、丁贵堂、徐新六、卢广绵等自发讨论协议而成,且向国民政府提出的.进而在1938年7月于汉口设立由国民政府行政院管辖的“工合”协会.“工合”主张“难民抗战”,得到中国共产党的毛泽东、周恩来的强烈支持;其运动作为抗日民族统一战线的一环,发挥了经济的机能作用;且由于得到海外广泛支援,成为国际反法西斯抗日统一战线的一个重要组成部分.“工合”跨国共两地区,西北、西南、东南各省偏远内地急速组织发展,大量生产军需、民用品,成为抗战工业生产的有力的支柱之一.本文专门以华侨援助“工合”运动专门以华侨援助“工合”运动目的、实态、特征及其意义进行考察论述.     

Postsecularity,Political Resistance,and Protest in the Occupy Movement

This paper examines and critically interprets the interrelations between religion and the Occupy movements of 2011. It presents three main arguments. First, through an examination of the Occupy Movement in the UK and USA—and in particular of the two most prominent Occupy camps (Wall Street and London Stock Exchange)—the paper traces the emergence of postsecularity evidenced in the rapprochement of religious and secular actors, discourses, and practices in the event‐spaces of Occupy. Second, it examines the specific set of challenges that Occupy has posed to the Christian church in the UK and USA, arguing that religious participation in the camps served at least in part to identify wider areas of religious faith that are themselves in need of redemption. Third, the paper considers the challenges posed by religious groups to Occupy, not least in the emphasis on postmaterial values in pathways to resistance against contemporary capitalism.     

实处与窄处:民族复兴运动时论中的新生活运动

国民政府初期的民族复兴运动本起于民间,是"思潮"的一种强化说法,但这种社会意识氛围,正好为取得执政地位不久的国民党当局所运用。蒋介石亲自发起新生活运动,使时人发生民族复兴运动可落到实处的想象,但其提倡的礼义廉耻、服从命令、国民生活军事化所包含的特定政治意图,暴露出严重排他性和狭隘性,"实处"沦为"窄处",效果难彰,变成"纸上的运动"。这可能是常态建设"运动"化、社会运动"政治化"很难避免的结局。     

华盛顿会议与中国民众运动

第一次世界大战结束,美国由于未能在巴黎和会上满足其在远东地区扩张势力的目的而又积极倡议召开华盛顿会议来讨论远东和太平洋问题,以求拆散原有的英日同盟,打击日本在东方的优势,以建立自己在远东的霸权,而英国也深感日本发展趋势的威胁,迫切希望重新调整帝国主义在东方的势力均衡关系。因此经英、美共同发起、并由美国出面召开有英、美、法、意、日、中六国参加的华盛顿会议,后又增加荷兰、比利时及葡萄牙而成为九国会议。美国于１９２１年８月１３日向中、日、英、法、意等国发出正式邀请;１６日,北京政府表示与会,成立“太平…     

The Anarchism of the Occupy Movement

Occupy has been criticised for a lack of organisation and ideological direction, its persistent failure to articulate practical reforms and its anarchism. Occupy's extensive influence calls for scholarly analysis of its underlying ideas and its praxis. This article develops a conceptual understanding of the movement and argues that the criticisms above overlook both how the movement's participants rationalise its praxis and the consistently anarchist forms of this praxis. The article draws on recent scholarship that distinguishes between ideological anarchism and anarchical forms of praxis inspired by anarchist principles. It argues that Occupy's praxis is anarchical. Though not ideologically anarchist, Occupy expresses a commitment to anarchist ideals. The article develops a particular conception of anarchism and in this context, discusses Occupy's anti-capitalist position, reflected in its catchcry ‘we are the 99 per cent’. It concludes by explicating the anarchical elements of Occupy's praxis.

占领运动被批评缺少组织和思想方向,总是提不出实际改革的诉求,再就是无政府主义。占领运动的广泛影响需要对其背后的思想和实践进行学术分析。本文作者从观念上对占领运动有所理解,认为那些批评忽视了运动的参与者其实是在使其实践,使其无政府形态的实践理性化。本文根据近年的学术研究,对思想上的无政府主义和无政府主义原则所启发的无政府式实践做了区分。作者认为占领运动的实践是无政府的,思想上却不是无政府的。但尽管思想上不是无政府,占领运动却表达了无政府的理想。本文提出了一种独特的无政府主义概念,并藉此讨论了占领运动反资本主义的立场,反思了“我们是百分之九十九”的口号。本文最后阐述了占领运动实践的无政府主义元素。     

抗日战争时期宪政运动若干问题的再研究

抗日战争时期的宪政运动,是中国现代史上争取政治民主化的重要组成部分,学术界曾推出过许多研究成果。不过,某些与宪政运动直接相关的问题,似乎或缺乏足够重视,或有待进一步探讨。本文对1939年与1943年前后两次宪政运动的实际发起因素、不同的争取重点、获得的有形成果三个方面进行了重新分析。在此基础上对目前宪政运动研究提出个人认识:第一,最早在国民参政会上提出实施宪政的提案,并非迄今认为的发起第一次宪政运动的七提案,只是由于七提案合并讨论,方形成共同发起宪政运动的既成事实。第二,第一次宪政运动的成果,虽然包括宪政思想宣传与宪政观念普及,但唯一的有形成果则是体现西方议会模式的“期成宪草”。第三,第二次宪政运动虽与联合政府运动有承继关系,但它不仅独立存在,而且也取得了三项成果,需要给予承认并加以客观评价。这三个问题关系到抗日战争时期宪政运动的完整性,因此也是今后这一研究中需要重视与补充的。     

评19世纪英国的牛津运动

19世纪上半叶后25年是英国向现代国家转型的重要时期,是一个许多方面都在经历重大变革的时期,表现之一是英国从传统的认信国家转向接受宗教多元化原则的现代国家。爆发于该时期的牛津运动,在抵制政教分离和宗教多元化趋势的同时,更以其对宗教自由主义和理性主义等时代精神的批判和向古代基督教会传统的回归而成为一场典型的文化保守主义运动。     

Interactive nationhood: the relation between Croatian and Yugoslav national identity in the interwar period

Croatian and Yugoslav national identity have been closely connected throughout the nineteenth and twentieth century. This article questions the assumption that Croatian national identification inherently opposed the Yugoslav nationalising efforts of the interwar Yugoslav state by means of a study of commemorative activities. In the commemoration of the millennial anniversary of the Croatian Kingdom in 1925, the Yugoslav level of national identity was activated as a complement to Croatian national identity. During the 1930s, commemorations of Matija Gubec and the Illyrian movement conveyed a mutually exclusive relation between Croatian and Yugoslav national identity. I argue that the dismissal of grassroots Croatian historical commemorations that were indifferent but not averse to Yugoslav nationhood in the integral Yugoslav policy of the authoritarian state during the 1930s curtailed the potential of these commemorations as vehicles for Yugoslav national identification and complicated the concurrence of Croatian and Yugoslav nationhood.     

上海私营金融业与"三反""五反"运动

"三反"五反"运动从经济、政治、思想诸方面对上海私营金融业所产生的影响都是前所未有的.正是在"三反"五反"中,私营金融业业务情况急转直下,传统市场迅速萎缩;资方受到极大的震慑,从业人士思想动摇;同业组织边缘化,无法正常运作."三反"五反"运动客观上加速了上海金融业由私营向公私合营转化的进程.上海私营金融业,作为一种行业,已经走到了历史的尽头.     

抗战时期银行界的迁移及其影响——浙江省个案研究

本从总体上考察了抗战时期浙江省银行界在抗嘉湖沦陷时期、宁绍战役时期、浙赣战役时期三阶段的迁移情况;论述了银行界迁移对维持和发展银行的基本业务、支持浙江以至全国的抗战事业及推动浙江后方国统区的经济建设所起的作用。     

The Outbreak of Nationalism on Former Yugoslav Territory: A Historical Perspective on the Problem of Supranational Identity

Abstract. In the text some questions about the genesis of radical nationalism on the former Yugoslav territory are discussed. The author's main thesis is that what happened during the outburst of nationalism was an alteration in the status of national identification, particularly in its relation to ‘supranational’ Yugoslav identification; that is, the eruption of radical nationalism was the result of reorganisation within an identification matrix. This thesis is first clarified by a short historical survey of the status of national identification before the outburst of nationalism, and secondly by an analysis of the main changes in the identification matrix during the outbreak of nationalism. Additionally, some of the main characteristics of political socialisation in the Yugoslav socialist state (especially the function of the value ‘brotherhood and unity’), as well as the possibility for future non-conflictual relations between the nations of former socialist Yugoslavia are discussed.     

定县实验与农村复兴运动

20世纪二三十年代晏阳初领导的以定县实验为主体的平民教育与乡村建设运动和国民政府倡导的农村复兴运动相结合,使乡村运动走上了“政治与学术合流”的道路,“合流”的结果产生了河北省县政建设研究院。在县政与研究院的双重作用下,平教会的工作得以推进,同时也因此失去了原有的独立地位。但是,无论怎样,这些现象表明当时政府和民间在重构国家权威上的一致性,在自觉地为达到“国家再造”这一目标而进行不懈的努力。