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近期内未出游城镇居民的旅游障碍与目的地选择偏好研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
通过与近3年内有过国内旅游经验的城镇居民进行对比分析,本文对近3年内未出游城镇居民的旅游障碍和目的地选择偏好进行了研究。文章以城镇居民为调查对象,采用问卷调查、统计分析的方法进行实证研究,在全国15个城市发放2500份问卷,共收回有效问卷2296份,其中近期内未出游城镇居民问卷639份,然后以近期内出游者样本作为对照组,利用对比分析和非参数Ridit分析等方法分析近期内未出游者,并得出如下主要结论:(1)时间因素、经济因素、心理因素和旅游意识因素构成近期内未出游者的主要旅游障碍;(2)相比近期内出游者,近期内未出游者的经济因素、身体因素和旅游意识因素的障碍性更强;(3)近期内未出游者的目的地选择因素按偏好程度可以划分为6个层次,其中旅游安全和目的地环境是最重要的因素,但相比于近期内出游者,旅游的总费用和目的地环境条件(包括餐饮、交通等)对该群体影响更大,而核心吸引物的优劣影响则较小。在此基础上,本文还针对性地提出了市场拓展策略。  相似文献   

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《外交史》1994,18(4):463-488
Edmond Charles Genet's brief but tumultuous diplomatic mission to the United States in 1793 has been a frequently studied episode in American history. American historians have established its origins in a specific phase of Girondin revolutionary diplomacy, described its impact on the development of American neutrality and American attitudes toward the French Revolution, and delineated its catalytic effect on the formation of the first American party system. But they have not satisfactorily explained the dynamic interaction between the climactic events of this episode—the Washington administration's decision to demand Genet's recall less than three months after he arrived in the nation's capital as the French Republic's first minister to the United States and the French government's ready acquiescence in the matter. While correctly pointing out that the root cause of the demand for Genet's recall was his pointed defiance of American neutrality policy, American scholars have misconstrued the divisions among President Washington and his cabinet officers that shaped this decision and been too ready to account for French acceptance of it as a simple function of the shift in power from the Girondins to the Jacobins and the beleaguered French Republic's need for friendly relations with the United States.1  相似文献   

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Over the past three decades, factions have cemented their hold over the Australian Labor Party. This has largely been due to the entrenchment of the proportional representation of factions. One of the effects of the institutionalisation of factions has been the development of factional sub-groupings ('fractions'). This article analyses the phenomenon by looking at a case study of a single ALP faction ‐ the Left in New South Wales. Since 1971, two major fractions have developed in the NSW Left, based on ideological disagreements, personality conflicts, generational differences and arguments over the role of the union movement in the ALP. This development parallels the intra-factional splits that have occurred in many other sections of the Labor Party. Yet the factional system in the 1980s and 1990s operated relatively effectively as a means of managing power. The question now is whether it can survive the challenge of new issues that cross-cut traditional ideological lines.  相似文献   

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Abstract

In book 7 of the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle argues that vice, lack of self-restraint (akrasia), and brutishness are to be avoided. While the opposite of vice is virtue, the opposite of akrasia is self-restraint, and of brutishness a form of divinity. This article explores Aristotle's analysis of self-restraint and its lack, akrasia, focusing on the phenomenon of akrasia and its causes. Self-restraint is the experience of excessive and idiosyncratic desires that are nevertheless resisted. Like self-restraint, akrasia, or lack of self-restraint, involves the experience of excessive and idiosyncratic desires. However, those lacking in self-restraint give in to these desires; the unrestrained person knows the good but does the opposite nonetheless. Possible causes of akrasia are the overpowering of reason by desire among the young and the effeminacy of some women and womanly men. This article argues, however, that the most interesting cause of akrasia in Aristotle's account is theoretical thinking.  相似文献   

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宣誓是孙中山先生一贯坚持的正心之道,其后继者亦往往将这一制度视为整合民心的法宝。南京国民政府成立之后,为了塑造其政权的合法性、扩大其统治基础,隆重推出公民宣誓登记制度。这一制度是对宣誓制度的继承与发展,又与当时流行一时的法西斯主义思潮有着某种联系。由于诸多社会因素的限制,该措施并未收到理想的效果。这在一定程度上标志着国民政府对基层社会渗透与整合的失败,也是近代国家转型步入歧路的重要表征。  相似文献   

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Within political science, there are two alternative approaches to understanding political institutions: traditional ‘institutional studies’ and the newer ‘cultural studies’. Each approach tends to go its own way, with little debate between the two. The former explains institutions by reference to their independent behaviour which has a formative influence on political culture. The latter explains institutions by reference to their dependent behaviour which reflects the formative influence of political culture. This paper proposes a synthesis between the two approaches, offering a third alternative based on a reconstructured application of Aristotle's ‘regime analysis’, along lines experimented with by J.S. Mill. My primary aim is analytical rather that historical: to reconstruct an approach to institutional analysis which better relates institution and culture.  相似文献   

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