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Xi Gao 《Frontiers of History in China》2010,5(3):453-470
In order to purify the environment in which they planned to convert, from the 1860s onwards British Missionaries in late Qing
China started to carry out anti opium campaigns. It was these campaigns that became the life work of British Medical Missionary
John Dudgeon. Dudgeon was of the opinion that it was the ferocious opium trade that was destroying the morals, traditional
culture, society, and economy of the Chinese, turning China into the West’s greatest market and in turn affecting China’s
own economic benefits. Based on his surveys made on the wards, from a medical perspective, Dudgeon announced that “an opium-smoker’s
family become extinct in the third generation.” Dudgeon drew up the “Dudgeon Plan” in the hope that Sino-British governmental
cooperation could bring about the end of the opium trade. Nevertheless, these campaigns met with stiff opposition and suppression,
and lost support from the Missionary Society. John Dudgeon’s plan was ultimately a failure. 相似文献
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Harry Hearder 《国际历史评论》2013,35(4):819-836
The notorious arms trader Sir Basil Zaharoff is remembered as the archetypal ‘merchant of death’. During the First World War, he is alleged to have exercised a malign influence over statesmen in London and Paris. Recently released Foreign Office files now allow us to document Zaharoff's wartime activities on behalf of the British government as an agent of influence in the Levant. The new sources reveal that Sir Vincent H.P. Caillard, the financial director of the arms-maker Vickers, played a key role in making Zaharoff's services available to prime ministers Asquith and Lloyd George. While Zaharoff has often been portrayed as a sinister force, manipulating statesmen into pursuing his financial and political interests, the reality was the reverse. Zaharoff was a convenient tool of two prime ministers rather than a powerful political manipulator in his own right. 相似文献
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John L. Cruickshank 《Northern history》2020,57(1):20-42
Wapentake courts continued to play an important role in the administration of the West Riding throughout the early-modern period and for much of the nineteenth century. This can be demonstrated from the surviving court records of the six wapentake courts of the honour of Pontefract. These show that wapentake courts, acting as sheriff's tourns, performed a central function in early-modern local administration. All the township officers within their jurisdictions, including constables, sworn men (bye-law men) and pinders, were sworn into office at sittings of these courts. The roles of these different township officers are made clear. These courts and the seigneurial courts with jurisdiction over civil suits were inter-dependant, as were the wapentake courts and the courts of quarter sessions. Evolutionary changes in the sittings and functions of these courts are described. The wapentake courts were undermined by nineteenth century reforms of policing and to courts for debt litigation, which eventually led to the final abandonment of these courts despite local support for their continuation. 相似文献
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Norman Vance 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(3-4):211-224
Britain's pre-Victorian overseas expansion stimulated Roman comparisons. But imperial Rome was a warning as much as an inspiration to future empires, a harsh and uncomfortable model for Britain as a former Roman colony. Roman dignity was claimed for British monarchs and achievements by Dryden and others. But there were mixed feelings about identifying expanding Britain as a second Roman Empire. In the eighteenth century the British freedom-fighter Caractacus, defeated by the Romans, appealed far more to popular taste than Virgil's Aeneas or the Emperor Augustus. Sustained unease about imperial Rome, going right back to Tacitus, anticipated the liberal critique of imperialism of some Victorian and Edwardian commentators. 相似文献
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