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以往研究大多仅将展会视为市场营销的平台.近期研究发现,展会已成为知识循环和知识创造的重要场所,对于产业创新升级具有重要作用.在系统梳理国外文献的基础上,根据“对象—行动—效果”三层路径模型,对参展者在展会中的学习与创新过程进行分析,并以中国国际工业博览会为案例,检验了该路径在我国的有效性.结果表明,展会可以从了解客户需求变化、发现新兴技术发展、把握行业总体趋势3个方面促进参展者的创新活动.具体来看,直接交谈与间接观察等交流方式,在面对客户、合作伙伴和竞争者等不同对象时的效果各异.  相似文献   

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The characteristics of hierarchical trade flows, when placed in the context of differentiated markets, can provide some insight into the underlying bases of contemporary international trade. A model that relies on differentiated market theory and hierarchical market theory is developed. Trade characteristics derived in the model, concerning the frequency and value of trade, are empirically tested. Empirical results indicate that the model provides a useful framework for the analysis of contemporary international trade.  相似文献   

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The failure at Seattle to agree the mandate for a new round of trade negotiations represents a dual crisis, not only for the trade community, but also for those supporting a shift to sustainable development. At the root of the crisis lies the North-South faultline, with an embedded sense of inequity keeping developing countries forever wary of the industrialized countries, not least on linkages between trade and the environment. But Seattle also showed that the South's current non-strategy towards trade and environment-opposing any formal linkage within the WTO, for example-is flawed. As a result, the South is now seen as the global scapegoat for inaction on trade and environment, and has shut itself out of opportunities to shape the direction of the debate. Furthermore, trade and environmental factors are being progressively linked in the marketplace-not because of the WTO, but in spite of it. The challenge for the South is to take a more proactive approach, generating a positive agenda for change based on issues of sustainable livelihoods, environmental justice and sustainable development more broadly. One starting point is to test current policy positions against the alternative visions of the future-for example, through scenario planning-and to develop a robust 'no regrets' programme for engagement. The South has the most to gain from a world structured around the norms of sustainable development, and, as a result, it has the primary responsibility for reorienting the goals of trade away from the limited agenda of 'free trade', towards the more inclusive programme of 'sustainable trade'. Whether this reorientation takes place, and whether the South takes a hand in shaping this process, will be one of the central questions for the years ahead.  相似文献   

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The ‘destruction of the English country house’ in the period since the late nineteenth century looms large in popular consciousness, and has received increasing attention from historians in recent years. There is no doubt that demolitions did occur on a large scale, especially in the middle years of the twentieth century, but it is arguable that most research has placed too much emphasis on the economic problems faced by estates arising from the great Agricultural Depression: the narrative so far, that is, has had too rural a focus. This article examines the phenomenon in Lancashire, a county characterized by industrialization, demographic expansion, and rapid urbanization. This regional perspective suggests reasons for country house losses that are subtly but significantly different from those pertaining in the more rural counties of England, which have been the primary focus of previous studies.  相似文献   

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朱开沟文化是由本地土著因素与二里头文化和下七垣文化因素碰撞、融合而成的.其发展受到了早商文化的强烈影响,灭亡时恰值商文化转衰之际.可以说朱开沟文化的生灭与商人息息相关,其居民很可能就是商人的同盟.朱开沟文化晚期墓葬中出有较多的武器,说明朱开沟文化的灭亡可能与战争有关.  相似文献   

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《Textile history》2013,44(1):51-63
Abstract

The way that the identifiable print sources used as patterns for the total of 170 emblems in the borders of the Four Seasons tapestries at Hatfield House are handled can tell us something not only about the meaning of the emblems in their new medium and setting but also about their weaving process. Changes to the Latin mottoes and to pictorial detail are shown to be purely pragmatic in some cases but clearly motivated in others, whilst both are influenced not only by the received iconology but also by the art of rhetoric as taught in the Elizabethan schoolroom. These changes are highly likely to have been decided on by the patron who commissioned them, Sir John Tracy.  相似文献   

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Opponents of slavery often argued that the federal government possessed the constitutional authority to outlaw the interstate slave trade. At its founding in 1833, the American Anti‐Slavery Society declared that Congress “has a right, and is solemnly bound, to suppress the domestic slave trade between the several States.” The idea had been endorsed earlier, during the Missouri controversy of 1819–1820, by both John Jay and Daniel Webster. Later on, in the 1840s and 1850s, it was supported by such prominent politicians as John Quincy Adams, Salmon P. Chase, and Charles Sumner. Defenders of slavery were, of course, horrified by the suggestion that the South's peculiar institution might be attacked in this way, and they vehemently denied that the Constitution permitted any such action. The prolonged debate over the issue focused on two key provisions of the Constitution. One was the Commerce Clause (Article I, Section 8, Clause 3), which says that Congress has the power to “regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes.” The other was the 1808 Clause (Article I, Section 9, Clause 1), which says that the “Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight.” Abolitionists held that the Constitution sanctioned congressional interference in the domestic slave trade both generally, by virtue of the Commerce Clause, and specifically, by virtue of the 1808 Clause. They argued that since slaves were routinely bought and sold, they obviously were articles of commerce, and therefore Congress had unlimited authority over interstate slave trafficking. Furthermore, they said, the words “migration or importation” in the 1808 Clause meant that as of January 1, 1808 Congress had acquired the right not only to ban the importation of slaves, but also to prohibit their migration from one state to another. Defenders of slavery replied that Congress could not interfere in property rights and that the power to regulate commerce did not include the power to destroy it. They also said that the word “migration” in the 1808 Clause referred, not to the domestic movement of slaves, but to the entry into the United States of white immigrants from abroad. 1  相似文献   

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International Trade Fairs and Global Buzz,Part I: Ecology of Global Buzz   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This paper investigates the importance of temporary face-to-face (F2F) contact and the physical co-presence of global communities in establishing a particular information and communication ecology during international trade fairs, referred to as “global buzz”. International trade fairs bring together agents from all over the world and create temporary spaces for presentation and interaction. Within a specific institutional setting, participants not only acquire knowledge through F2F communication with other agents, but also obtain information by observing and systematically monitoring other participants. The fact that firms do not necessarily have to be in direct contact with a specific source of information to get access to this knowledge makes participation in these events extremely valuable. International trade fairs have become important expressions of new geographies of circulation through which knowledge is created and exchanged at a distance. This paper analyses the constituting components of global buzz and aims to dismantle the complexity of this phenomenon in a multi-dimensional way. When applying this concept to Internet trade fairs, the question arises whether a similar information and communication ecology, or virtual buzz, can be established. We explore similarities and differences between both forms of buzz, using the same classification scheme.  相似文献   

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Several industries that exploited stone are known to have sprung up in Iron Age–Roman and Roman Britain. They include the fashioning of rotary querns from the Upper Old Red Sandstone of the Forest of Dean and the Lower Cretaceous Hythe Beds (Lodsworth rock) of West Sussex, the production of whetstones from sandstones in the Weald Clay Formation of the north‐west Weald, and the manufacture of a wide range of products from the Upper Jurassic Purbeck Marble of south‐east Dorset. The dispersal of goods from these sources is found to exhibit a similar exponential decline with distance to that previously demonstrated for prehistoric stone artefacts and Romano‐British ceramics. Evidently, interactions at settlements led to the retention of a roughly constant proportion of the goods brought there.  相似文献   

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The success of Tory Democracy in Lancashire heightened its influence in Conservative party debates about tariff reform and India. New Delhi’s imposition of tariffs from 1917 prompted Lancashire Conservatives to gradually modify their position on free trade, so that by 1931 they supported imperial preference. India’s reluctance to lower tariffs led many to criticise the 1933 India white paper. Historians have examined front bench and die-hard conservative efforts to win over Lancashire, but they have overlooked the extent to which local feeling and activism on India was native to the county and not imported from Westminster.  相似文献   

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