日本汉字的近代演变、动因及启示

本文在参考现有国内外学者最新研究成果的基础上,考察日本汉字存废和限制用字的历史过程及最新进展。日本历史上的文字改革始于明治维新,二战以来限制汉字使用,普通常用汉字被严格限制在一个有限范围内并且在数量上长期保持稳定。近年来则由于技术和社会的发展正面临着新的挑战。本文试图通过探讨日本汉字规范化过程的特点和困难,揭示其背后的社会文化动因,以期为我国目前正在进行的汉字现代化和标准化工作提供参照。     

日本解决能源问题的对策和启示

长期以来。世界石油能源的需求和价格节节攀升,对进口石油的国家经济形成巨大冲击。全部石油依赖进口的工业国日本却较半稳地度过了以往石油紧张和涨价的冲击,其解决能源问题的一系列对策和具体措施的成功经验很有借鉴意义。尤其是日本在开发脱石油化新能源方面的努力和成效对中国的新能源开发有很大启示作用。     

Asia's century and the problem of Japan's centrality

Japan has long been regarded as a central component of America's grand strategy in Asia. Scholars and practitioners assume this situation will persist in the face of China's rise and, indeed, that a more ‘normal’ Japan can and should take on an increasingly central role in US‐led strategies to manage this power transition. This article challenges those assumptions by arguing that they are, paradoxically, being made at a time when Japan's economic and strategic weight in Asian security is gradually diminishing. The article documents Japan's economic and demographic challenges and their strategic ramifications. It considers what role Japan might play in an evolving security order where China and the US emerge as Asia's two dominant powers by a significant margin. Whether the US–China relationship is ultimately one of strategic competition or accommodation, it is argued that Japan's continued centrality in America's Asian grand strategy threatens to become increasingly problematic. It is posited that the best hope for circumventing this problem and its potentially destabilizing consequences lies in the nurturing of a nascent ‘shadow condominium’ comprising the US and China, with Japan as a ‘marginal weight’ on the US side of that arrangement.     

日本对德结盟述论

尽管日本的对德结盟政策实施于20世纪30、40年代,但日本的对德结盟论出现在19世纪末、20世纪初,它经历了三个阶段。日德同盟的建立经历了准同盟时期和同盟时期。在日德同盟构建前后,从结盟的角度来看,日本存在着另一种结盟构想:利用德国与苏联的关系,调整日本与苏联的关系,如果有可能,缔结日苏同盟,从而进一步缔结更大的日德意苏四国同盟。     

Japan's global environmentalism: rhetoric and reality

The 1992 Earth Summit marked the emergence of a new type of global environmentalism in which nation states increasingly sought to represent themselves as key environmental actors. Since the early 1990s, Japan has attempted to position itself rhetorically as a global environmental leader. This rhetoric must be compared to Japan's international environmental impacts, which are considerable, especially in East and Southeast Asia. Japan's domestic environmental situation is evaluated, and five key areas of international environmental impacts are discussed: official development assistance, foreign direct investment, deforestation, overfishing, and the promotion of high technology. Motivations for Japan's use of global environmentalist rhetoric including its domestic political environment, geopolitical goals, geoeconomic motivations, and the increasing globalization of the Japanese economy are analyzed. The spread of the Japanese model of development is linked to Asia's continuing environmental crises.     

Japan's FTA politics and the problem of agricultural trade liberalisation

Japan's willingness to negotiate Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) is not matched by a readiness to liberalise agricultural trade. Japan has used a variety of mechanisms to limit the extent of agricultural concessions in FTAs. Public choice theory predicts that FTAs are a more effective instrument for opening Japan's agricultural market than the WTO because they reshape the domestic politics of Japanese trade in ways that are conducive to further market opening. FTAs do this by altering the domestic politics of trade policymaking on the demand side as well as some aspects of the supply side. On the demand side, business groups mobilise even more strongly to demand an end to agricultural protection, whilst on the supply side, the value of FTAs for broader state interests are recognised by politician-leaders. Various structural obstacles in the policymaking process, however, prevent the altered demand and supply-side dynamics from necessarily delivering free trade outcomes.     

浅析日本的公共外交及其局限

二战后,由于日本政治、军事外交的开展受到诸多因素的制约,公共外交就成为日本摆脱美军占领体制、发展与邻国关系以及谋求政治大国地位的重要途径。通过人员及文化的相互交流、加强对外宣传、推行外向型的文化教育、经济与文化援助以及动漫外交等手段,日本的公共外交取得了很大的成就。但受自身独特政治文化及国内右倾化思潮的影响,加之其受日美基轴及相关政策的掣肘,日本战后以来的公共外交并没有达到预期的效果。     

Japan's Policies Towards the Ainu Language and Culture with Special Reference to North Fennoscandian Sami Policies

Under Japan's colonization of Ainu Lands (Hokkaido, the Kuril Islands and Sakhalin), the Ainu were disconnected from their lands by relocations and deprived of their language and culture by regulations. In 1899, the Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act came into force to finalize the assimilation of the Ainu into Japanese society. In 1997, as a result of Ainu efforts to scrap the assimilation policies, the Ainu Culture Promotion Act (CPA) replaced the Act of 1899. The CPA was expected to emancipate the Ainu from the sufferings caused by the assimilation policies, and yet it stipulated neither Ainu indigeneity nor their linguistic and cultural rights. It is still in effect even after the 2008 official recognition of the Ainu as an indigenous people in the northern part of Japan by the Government of Japan. This article attempts to examine Japan's past and present policies towards the Ainu language and culture in the international context for the revitalization of the Ainu language and culture as the Ainu desire. In order to do this, it first outlines the assimilation policies, and then traces the Ainu struggle for survival as a people. It also discusses the CPA and the Final Report written by the Advisory Committee for Future Ainu Policy, which both form the basis of Japan's present Ainu policies. Finally, in order to explore the revitalization of the Ainu language and culture, how the North Fennoscandian Sami policies have advanced is surveyed.     

日本修改条约交涉与何如璋的条约认识

19世纪七八十年代之交,以“实现关税自主”与“收回治外法权”为目标的日本修改条约交涉的经验,经由当时驻日的晚清第一任出使日本大臣何如璋介绍到中国及当时中国的藩属国朝鲜,成为剖析中国的不平等条约,以及朝鲜开港并与西方各国订立条约的重要参照系。虽然何如璋最终没能促成清政府像日本一样着手进行改约交涉,但是,他将中国的不平等条约问题明确定位在协定关税和治外法权两大关键性条款,是具有历史意义的。同时,何如璋以日本改约交涉为模式的订约策略,对于当时朝鲜与日本的关税交涉以及《朝美修好通商条约》的订立,均产生了重大影响。