The Norman Conquest of the classical past: William of Poitiers,language and history

William of Poitiers' Gesta Guillelmi, written shortly after the Norman Conquest of England, remains surprisingly neglected, especially by historians. He is generally regarded primarily as a classical stylist who employed classical references to decorate his panegyric of William of Normandy. Poitiers' use of classical allusion was, however, far from superficial. In arguing for William’s legitimacy as king of England, Poitiers addresses a wider audience than is generally acknowledged, and appeals directly to the fears, expectations and values of his day. The article examines his three most sustained allusions to classical heroes of naval enterprises and conquest – Caesar, Aeneas and Theseus – as key components of the memory of the Norman Conquest, demonstrating that each allusion makes a specific moral and political point. Poitiers is a case study for medieval authorial ingenuity in applying classicism to the problems of the present.     

南意诺曼人的对外政策

诺曼人是在11、12世纪南意列强争峙、奔突交锋的逐鹿场上,凭借其冒险性、意志力和机巧善变的权谋而勃然兴起的,然而到头来其政权也同样是在这纷繁迷离的外交风云中悄然失却的。诚可谓,兴也外交,衰也外交。     

'An unholy row in Lancashire': The Textile Lobby, Conservative Politics, and Indian Policy, 1931-1935

This article argues that the ‘Lancashire lobby’remained a vital presence in British politics in the 1930s,not relegated to the political sidelines by ‘gentlemanlycapitalists’ at Westminster. The region's strength, inConservative circles especially, was based not on its numericalstrength in MPs, or in its economic might, but in the symbolicimportance Lancashire had for Conservatives. As this articledemonstrates, this was most evident during the debates overthe Government of India Bill between 1931 and 1935, when theparty's leadership made great, and successful, efforts to keepthe region's representatives from opposing the Bill, and potentiallyswinging many other Tories into opposition as well.     

1931年—1945年的中国通史撰述

抗战时期史学领域呈现出一种与以往不同的新的研究趋势 ,即对中国通史的研究与撰述的关注和重视 ,这一新的研究趋势是时代与社会的客观需求和史家的主体自觉共同促成的。这一时期的通史撰述对通史编撰理论作了深入探讨 ,在历史观、史书体裁等诸多方面可谓异彩纷呈 ,显示出史坛的勃勃生机     

试析1918-1920年英国对土耳其的政策——兼论《色佛尔条约》的艰难出台

本文通过探讨1918—1920年间英国对土耳其采取的激进政策,集中分析了英国政府试图主导战后中近东局势,以有利于自己的方式解决土耳其问题的意图;深入阐释和论述了英国在政策实施过程中遇到的诸多矛盾,如土耳其民族主义运动的奋起抵抗,战时盟友法国和意大利在关键时刻的釜底抽薪,英国内阁的意见分歧等;进而揭示和论证了英国调整对土耳其政策的原因,论证了《色佛尔条约》成为战后最难产和约的原因。     

英国保守党政府的“有形帝国”政策（1874—1880）

1874—1880年英国保守党政府执政期间,为提高英国国际地位,提出了建立“有形帝国”的政策。这一政策的理论基础是迪尔克的种族帝国思想,现实动因则是随着欧洲民族国家的建立,大英帝国的霸权面临严峻的挑战。从实践方面看,重建“有形帝国”政策主要表现在保卫并扩大帝国的版图,其根本目的在于增强英国与欧洲大陆各国竞争的实力,力挽大英帝国霸权的颓势。     

The Competition Criterion in British Merger Control Policy

The 1984 Tebbit Doctrine formalized competition as the watchword in British merger control, a highly discretionary system that encourages negotiation between firms and the government. The government has rarely invoked the full extent of its review powers over corporate mergers, even after the 1989 European Merger Control Regulation ceded some authority to Brussels. Is competition really a criterion influencing British merger control, or do institutional and personal biases direct the decision? This article reviews the rationale for merger control, outlines the structure of the British system, and analyzes merger activity and regulators' decisions from 1984–2000.     

英国封建制度“诺曼起源说”的论争述析

英国封建社会的起源,是西方学术界一个长期纷争不已的话题。19世纪90年代,英国历史学家儒德先后发表一系列论著,创立了英国封建制度起源于诺曼征服的学说。其实,白面世之日始,这一学说就一直受到质疑和批判,特别是20世纪下半叶,对其批判的浪潮一浪高过一浪。1973年,布朗在《英格兰封建制度起源》一书中,坚定地捍卫了诺曼征服是英国封建社会起源的理论,该书被视为是诺曼起源学说反批判的扛鼎之作。然而,从史实和学理两个角度而言,儒德所创立和布朗所恪守的诺曼起源学说都是难以获得证实的。     

中国国民党早期军队政工制度的演变:1924-1928

在孙中山的“党治”理念及苏联“党军”体制影响下,中国国民党于1924年改组后积极倡行“党在国上”、“党在军上”的政治制度,在黄埔军校教导团时代,即仿效苏联红军实施以党代表为中心、以政治部为具体实践单位、辅以自上而下建立党部的三位一体的政工制度。1925年7月改编为国民革命军后,这一体制在黄埔军校生为主体的军队内基本保留。因国共间的猜忌,国民革命军政工制度随着“清党”运动而产生重大变异,党代表制废除,政治训练部地位下降,军队党部更是形同虚设。试图控制军队的国民党,却被以蒋介石为首的军人反控,形成了事实上的“以军干政”、“军强党弱”现象,成为此后影响民国政治走向的一大因素。