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Abstract

The former Conservative and Unionist prime minister, Arthur Balfour, contributed an article in 1912 to the German magazine Nord und Süd in which he explained why the ‘English point of view’s viewed Germany with ‘deep uneasiness’s. His theme was the role of narrative in Anglo-German relations: British anxieties stemmed from the interpretation that people ‘have thought themselves obliged to place upon a series of facts, or supposed facts, each of which taken by itself might be of small moment, but which taken together can neither be lightly treated nor calmly ignored’s. The building of a large fleet, the arms race, the demands for territory, and the threats to Europe's small states, notably the Netherlands and Belgium, made an Anglo-German war appear increasingly likely. If Germany wanted to improve relations with Britain, Balfour concluded, it had to prove its love for peace by co-operating with other states. A longer narrative underlay the famous memorandum written five years earlier by the head of the western department of the foreign office, Eyre Crowe. For him, the ‘maintenance of a state of tension and antagonism between Third Powers’s had characterized German foreign policy since the time of Prince Bismarck, whose bid for colonies had been an act of ‘direct and unmistakable hostility’s to Britain. By the time Crowe put pen to paper, in January 1907, German antagonism had become a feature in the landscape of British foreign policy-makers.  相似文献   

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中国化大革命,日本各界始终都十分关注。《朝日新闻》社等大众媒体的报道,知识分子的学术研究,由于观点和立场的不同,所表现出来的日本人的革观也是复杂多样的。有赞美支持,有批判否定,有理解的批判,也有指责中国理念变质。  相似文献   

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This paper maps how American popular culture came to terms with the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran through a study of Hussein Khosrow Vaziri. Vaziri, better known by his moniker, “The Iron Sheik,” was active in professional wrestling in the 1980s and remains to this day one of the most well-known Iranians in American cultural memory. Through an analysis of his character and how he has been represented in the popular media, I argue that he was chiefly utilized as a figure through whom Americans could cope with the devastating blow that the Revolution caused to American power. I argue that this reaction continues to this day, albeit focusing not on Iran but on the current political tensions involving the attacks of September 11, 2001.  相似文献   

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“文化大革命”与当代中国改革模式的选择   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
中国渐进式改革模式的选择与“文化大革命”有必然联系。“文化大革命”导致的中国经济结构不合理 ,重工业增长很快 ,能源工业呈超速增长 ,这是一种粗放型的增长 ,它为国民经济其他部门的增长留下了巨大的潜力 ;农业在国民经济体系中增长缓慢和人民生活水平的增长十分缓慢 ,使农业的发展和提高人民生活水平的潜力更大 ;整个经济活动中效益下降 ,为以后加强管理 ,提高经济效益留下了余地。总之 ,“文化大革命”把中国经济拖到了崩溃的边缘 ,为原有体制能量的释放留下了巨大的回旋空间 ,这就是中国在改革开放之初走上渐进式改革道路的一个重要的原因。经历了十年动乱的中国人民 ,普遍的心态是要求社会稳定以及中国共产党对“文化大革命”教训的客观总结 ,构成中国走上渐进式改革方式的另外两个重要原因  相似文献   

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The article describes the preliminary results of an archaeological survey of a protest camp occupied since 1999 in Derbyshire, England, and reflects briefly on the role of archaeology in researching contemporary activism and protests. The camp is structured by the everyday activities involved in living in the landscape, by the ‘manufactured vulnerability’ created using characteristics of the environment to contest an attempted eviction, and the public statements of protest that symbolise the campaign to the wider world. Through its longevity and the high profile of the wider anti-quarry campaign the camp is now a key element in the history of its landscape, and it is on these terms that it became the subject of archaeological research.  相似文献   

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During the central decades of the Cold War, China was Albania’s only ally. The aim of this article is to analyse how the Chinese Cultural Revolution affected Sino-Albanian relations. This article argues that the events in China threatened to undermine the Sino-Albanian alliance, because Albania did not endorse most of the Cultural Revolution’s policies, but supported it only for the sake of relations with China and the benefits received from this alliance. In a time when the Cultural Revolution caused enormous difficulties to the Chinese economy, Albania nonetheless received an increasing amount of aid. Based on recently released archives, this case study sheds light on this underexplored Cold War alliance and adds to our understanding of how the Cultural Revolution had implications beyond China’s borders.  相似文献   

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“文化大革命”(以下简称“文革”)发生已40载,40年来国内外学者非常关注这一深刻影响中国社会历史发展的事件,出版了诸多成果,日本著名学者加加美光行教授的《历史中的中国文化大革命》,则是其中不可忽视的著作。加加美光行教授20多年来致力于中国“文革”问题的研究,著述颇  相似文献   

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Bruce D'Arcus 《对极》2003,35(4):718-741
This paper deals with issues of political dissent and the geography of state power through the lens of a particular law and its deployment by the US state in the context of the 1973 occupation of Wounded Knee, South Dakota by American Indian Movement activists and local residents. I explore how the state responded to the highly mediated nature of the Wounded Knee occupation through tactics that minimized the visibility of its efforts to contain the protest. These efforts, I argue, also constituted a broader politics of scale. I begin with a theoretical discussion of the intersection of protest, scale and publicity. I then use the empirical example of the H Rap Brown Act to show how these dynamics were being reworked in the US during the late 1960s and early 1970s. In particular, I place the emergence of the H Rap Brown Act within a context of changing geographies of race and state power, more specifically as they were articulated around the unrest that was engulfing American cities. I then analyze how the law was deployed by the state during the 1973 occupation of Wounded Knee. Finally, I conclude with a discussion of what the case of the H Rap Brown Act has to tell us more broadly about our theoretical understandings of the geographies of public protest.  相似文献   

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