‘History from the inside’ South African Prisoner-of-War Experience in Work Camp 1169, Dresden, 1943–1945

This article narrates the experiences of white English-speaking South African Prisoners-of-War in Dresden Work Camp 1169 during the Second World War. Work Camp 1169 was populated predominantly by South African servicemen, and the availability of their memoirs and diaries, as well as first-hand interviews with some of the former inmates of this camp, provide an opportunity to analyse their experiences in terms of national identity, how well they adapted to captivity and how they managed relationships between themselves, their captors and the German citizens with whom they came into contact.     

Picturing Austria–Hungary. The British Perception of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1865–1870

In the late 1960s a Joint Nordic Co-operative Assistance Project was established in Tanzania. Its objective was to promote co-operative development in Tanzania based on Nordic experiences in the field. The project's effort to export Nordic co-operative ideas and traditions to Tanzania soon encountered major problems as the Government of Tanzania (GoT) launched a villagization process in the beginning of the 1970s, which sought to move the entire peasant population into ujamaa villages. The resettlement effort was implemented with the use of force and coercion and implied a dismantling of the traditional co-operative structures in Tanzania. This article finds that the Nordic countries helped facilitate GoT's compulsory policy by adjusting and restructuring the project to GoT's villagization strategy, despite the fact that the primary objective of the project was no longer present. As the article will reveal, there was a clear concern in the Nordic aid administrations that the Nordic project could be linked with the politics of coercion ingrained in the ujamaa policy.     

Spatial distribution of political parties in Hungary 1990–2006

In this spatial statistical analysis, Hungary, though a small country in size (smaller than most states in the USA), is shown as having significant spatial clustering. On the basis of this spatial clustering, it is demonstrated that a political party, FIDESZ that had previously been associated with a different political bloc has been able, in a relatively short period of time of the 1990s in the post-Communist period, to occupy the vacant space on the ‘right’ and to integrate with the voters of the right-wing bloc.     

The bonds that bind: money lending between Anglo-Jewish and Christian women in the plea rolls of the Exchequer of the Jews, 1218–1280

The plea rolls of the Exchequer of the Jews represent the single most important source for understanding the interrelations and interactions of Jewish and Christian women in thirteenth-century England. A uniquely voluminous series of documents pertaining to the bureaucracy that grew up around Jewish lending after 1190, the rolls reveal the many ways in which women of different faiths were brought into contact — both amicable and oppositional — through financial transactions, predominantly the borrowing and lending of money. It further considers the shared family interests, credit networks and daily necessities that such transactions signified. Finally, by examining specific cases — from large scale, national disputes played out in the Exchequer Court to small-scale disagreements in the locality — it seeks to demonstrate how Jewish and Christian women negotiated with one another for economic resources. It concludes that money-lending, complicated by the particularities of kinship and business structures, first brought women of different faiths together and then tore them apart.     

Uxores,ancillae and dominae: women in thirteenth-century Hungary in the Register of Várad

Women’s history for Árpád-era Hungary (1000–1301) has generally been restricted to legal issues and the royal court. This study addresses these deficiencies by examining women in the Register of Várad in regard to three areas of investigation: marriage practices and the involvement of the Church, access women had to property and the access women had to authority. Evidence from the register indicates that by the thirteenth century, ecclesiastical ideas regarding marriage were barely making themselves felt. Ideas of consent and even the indissolubility of marriage were at times unimportant. Though priests were occasionally present at marriages, their role was not decisive. Women had three primary means of obtaining property. They could receive gifts or dower on the event of their wedding, and they could receive a portion of the patrimony. This inheritance was termed the quarta filialis as it amounted to no more than one-quarter of the father’s property. These gifts came under the control of the woman’s husband, and she could not access them until his death. Widowhood combined with guardianship of a minor son could allow women to exert considerable power and, just as elsewhere in Latin Europe, women’s access to public and private authority most approximated that of men’s as a widow. Not all women, of course, had access to such power. The Register of Várad shows numerous instances of women slaves who were under the complete control of their master.     

National Alcohol in Hungary’s Reform Era: Wine,Spirits, and the Patriotic Imagination

Abstract

Hungarian elites saw wine consumption as a matter of national pride. The glorification of wine, and particularly of the luxury vintage Tokaji, reflected the economic interest and social customs of the Hungarian aristocracy, whose members tended to see themselves as the Hungarian nation. When liberal reformers began rationalizing the wine sector for mass production and export in the early nineteenth century, wine patriotism also became merged with the economic nationalism of Hungary’s Reform Era. Hungarian wine patriotism involved the denigration of alcoholic beverages other than wine, such as beer and spirits, since Hungarian public opinion associated these other alcoholic beverages with non-Magyar minorities in the Kingdom of Hungary, such as Slovaks, Croats, Germans, or Jews. Hungarian wine patriotism thus also illustrates the rise of Magyar chauvinism, anticipating ethnic conflict in the Kingdom of Hungary.     

Revisiting the War in the Receipt, 1572–1609*

This article explores a protracted dispute in the exchequer of receipt that initiated lasting procedural reform. The argument revolved around contested narratives of exchequer history which had direct implications for officers’ fees, rights and status. The ferocity of the dispute has rendered it one of the most-studied episodes in exchequer history, yet historians have largely focused on procedural reform and dismissed the ardour of the protagonists. This article recontextualises the dispute within its political and physical context in the Palace of Westminster to argue that the feud was not merely personal but political. By drawing together officers’ personal papers with exchequer records and architectural records of the palace, this article demonstrates the agency of individuals in influencing institutional reform. The protagonists operated within webs of overlapping loyalties between crown, institution and patrons which reflects the place of the Receipt in central government. Consideration of the warring officers in this context reveals that the outcome of the dispute was not in spite of their passions, but a product of them.     

Changes in the ethnic vote in Australia, 1967–79

Recent empirical research has revealed the existence of distinctive voting patterns among some of Australia's overseas‐born electors. This paper extends this research by analysing changes over time in the voting patterns of the three major birthplace groups, applying multi‐variate techniques to three large nationwide surveys conducted in 1967, 1973 and 1979. In all three surveys, Northern Europeans (most British) emerge as politically indistinguishable from the Australian‐born majority, while Eastern Europeans are consistently anti‐Labor. Mediterranean voters, by contrast, were significantly anti‐Labor in 1967 and 1973, but had become significantly more likely to support Labor by 1979. Two hypotheses tested to explain these patterns, length of residence in Australia and the timing of the migrant's first vote, are both rejected. Instead, anti‐Labor preferences of Eastern Europeans seem to follow from long standing anti‐communist sentiments, while the switch in the political allegiances of Mediterranean voters is probably a result of the efforts of the Whitlam government to capture the migrant vote in the mid 1970s.

Changes in the Ethnic Vote in Australia, 1967–1979