Presidential Position-Taking,Presidential Success,and Interest Group Activity

Do lobby groups help the American president achieve policy objectives? Existing research seldom evaluates interest groups and the president in conjunction, and as a result we have little systematic knowledge about how groups respond to presidential actions or whether they assist in realizing the president’s policy agenda. Building on existing data obtained through interviews with 776 lobbyists, combined with variables we generate describing issue salience, congressional attention, the political context, and policy adoption, we show that interest groups adjusted their lobbying activity to better reflect the president’s voiced preferences. Despite this strategy, we find that lobby groups had no significant marginal effect on policy adoption when controlling for the overwhelming influence of the president. The strong association between policy adoption and position-taking by the president withstands the inclusion of five alternative variables found in previous studies to condition the influence of the president over policy adoption.     

论曹爽之败

公元249年发生在魏国的高平陵政变,反映的是代表世家大族利益的曹爽集团和司马懿集团争权夺利的矛盾。曹爽集团之惨败,原因在于其所重用之人多为品格卑劣、少不更事的浮华交会之徒。他们既无经国治军的才能,又日益专擅、贪贿、颟顸和腐化。隐藏于背后的必然性则是中国专制的皇室下龙种而生跳蚤的铁则。     

Battlefields of Class Conflict: Ludlow Then and Now

Abstract

In April 1914, a tent colony of striking coal miners at Ludlow, Colorado was the setting of the most notorious example of open class warfare in American History. This paper explores some dimensions of the conflict as revealed by archaeological investigations at the Ludlow Massacre Memorial. We consider the tactical strategies used by Labor and Capital to gain advantage in the conflict, as well as the survival strategies employed by ordinary people in harm's way. We also address recent vandalism at the Memorial which suggests that, ninety years later, the Ludlow ground remains a contested landscape.     

Gerald Ford,the Mayaguez Incident,and the Post-Imperial Presidency

In 1975 Gerald Ford became the first President bound by the War Powers Resolution. Enacted in 1973, members of Congress, still fuming over the revelations crystallized by the Pentagon Papers that the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution was a sham, sought to prevent future Presidents from starting future Vietnam Wars. Though Ford voted against the measure twice as a Congressman, as President he respected the law and Congress enforcing it. This article explores Ford's efforts and actions as he complied with the law. Ford's attitude and acquiescence reflected his efforts he heal the nation.     

Trilobite faunas and palaeoenvironmental setting of the Silurian (early Ludlow) Melbourne Formation,central Victoria

Trilobites are common faunal elements in the Melbourne Formation, a unit of early Ludlow (upper nilssoni Biozone) age, which crops out extensively in the Darraweit Guim Province of the Melbourne Zone, central Victoria. New diagnoses are given for species previously described, including Maurotarion euryceps (McCoy, 1876; = Cyphaspis spryi Gregory, 1901), Raphiophorus jikaensis (Chapman, 1912; = Ampyx yarraensis Chapman, 1912), Cromus simpliciculus (Talent, 1964), Cromus spryi (Chapman, 1912), Sthenarocalymene kilmorensis (Gill, 1945; = Gravicalymene hetera Gill, 1945) and Trimerus harrisoni (McCoy, 1876). A new phacopid genus, Orygmatos is described, represented by the species O. yanyeani gen. et sp. nov. Other species newly described include Cromus melbournensis sp. nov., Arcticalymene australis sp. nov., “Ananaspis” woiwurrungi sp. nov. and Kettneraspis hollowayi sp. nov.

Species composition of the trilobite fauna varies spatially, and a number of distinct assemblages can be defined. Abundant trilobite moult configurations are conclusive for interpretation of the benthic fauna as autochthonous, inferring depth estimations based on benthic community distribution to be valid. A depth-related succession of communities is recognised and indicate the Melbourne Formation was deposited at relatively shallow depths on a broad, eastwardly deepening shelf, with deposition dominated by storm processes. The palaeoenvironment comprised a BA-1 community including the Arcticalymene australis trilobite assemblage, restricted to very shallow depths (～20 m) on the SW coastal margin of the shelf and preserved in proximal tempestite lithologies; and a BA-5 community group containing three distinct trilobite assemblages dominated by species of Cromus and a deeper water fauna, preserved in distal tempestite lithologies and ranging widely over the shelf at depths in the range of maximum storm wave base (～50 – 80 m).     

Assessing Presidential Agenda-Setting Capacity: Dynamic Comparisons of Presidential,Mass Media,and Public Attention to Economic Issues

Research on presidential agenda setting has rarely attempted to simultaneously assess the ability of the president to influence the policy agendas of the mass media and the public. This is primarily due to the lack of time-refined measures of public issue attention. With advances in technology, information about Internet search engine behavior can provide an indication of the level of interest the public has over time about specific issues. Using Google Trends weekly data about public search interest levels, this project contrasts dynamic attention to several economic issues: unemployment, recession, and inflation. The vector autoregression analyses performed suggest the president does not have the capacity to directly guide public attention, nor does the president have the capacity to indirectly guide public attention through the media. There is some indication that the president can indirectly guide public attention by influencing actual economic conditions, and that the president is responsive to attention from the mass media and the public. The moving-average representation analyses indicate that an increase in presidential attention has the potential to produce a small contemporaneous increase in either mass media or public attention to some economic issues. The duration of these positive shifts in mass media or public attention are all very brief, indicating the president has a limited capacity through either direct or indirect leadership to sustain the attention other actors in the political system place on the specific issues studied. Strong evidence in all three of the issue areas studied supports that mass media attention and public attention are closely related.