析20世纪60年代美国保守主义

"60年代"和"保守主义"是学术界关注的两个话题.按照学者们的传统看法,60年代是以激进为时代特征,与"保守主义"无涉.本文展示了保守主义在60年代美国社会运动中所扮演的重要角色.不过,本文更想强调的是,60年代的保守主义也带有鲜明的时代特征,具有与其自身逻辑明显不符的极端性和激进性.本文力图揭示这一悖论,并且认为,应将"60年代"和"保守主义"二者有机结合起来,进而得出有关这两个课题的较为全面和多维的认识.     

"特种战争"与中国"援越抗美"的初步酝酿

为了遏制共产主义在东南亚的扩张,维护美国的全球霸权,1961年5月,美国总统肯尼迪公然发动了对越南的“特种战争”。面对美国在“南大门”的战争挑衅,中国政府从无产阶级的国际主义和维护越南独立和统一的立场出发,在政治、经济、外交和军事等方面积极支持越南人民的抗美爱国斗争,并应越南党和政府的请求,开始了“援越抗美”的初步酝酿,最终确立了“美国走一步,中国走一步;美国出兵,中国也出兵”的基本原则和立场。     

援越抗美述略

援越抗美的军事行动 ,从 1 96 5年 6月开始到 1 973年 8月结束 ,共经历了两个阶段。中国先后派出了高炮、工程、铁道、扫雷、后勤等部队 ,总计 32万余人 ,最高年份达到 1 7万余人 ,执行了反空袭作战、筑路、构筑国防工程、扫雷及后勤保障等任务。援越抗美部队的将士们与越南军民一起 ,以劣势装备战胜了拥有世界上最先进武器装备的美国侵略者 ,使越南人民赢得了抗美救国战争的光辉胜利 ,谱写了中越两国人民友谊的新篇章。     

再谈三线建设的评价问题

20世纪六七十年代进行的三线建设,虽已过去几十年了,但对它的评价依然存在颇多争议。对三线建设作出分析评价,确非易事,很大程度上归因于其特殊性。有鉴于此,有必要提出三线建设二重性这一命题,即它既是旨在应对战争危险的特殊政治行为,又是谋求改善生产力布局的一般经济行为。由于战争没有绝对确实性,只有相对确实性,因此政府的经济行为并不总是取决于经济学原则,还要考虑社会政治的要求。与此同时,评价三线建设得失时,还要面对其经济分析的特殊因素和难以避免的模糊性。总之,三线建设得失相比,得是长期起作用的因素,是国家战略利益所系;失是得的必要代价,从根本上说是外部敌对势力强加给中国人的,也是暂时的,终归会得到补偿。     

中苏在援越抗美问题上的冲突与矛盾(1965—1972)(上)

1965— 1 972年越战期间 ,苏联为向东南亚地区渗透 ,调整其对越政策 ,加强援越力度 ,苏越关系趋向密切。而此时中苏关系逐渐由敌对走向对抗 ,中苏关系恶化 ,这在很大程度上影响毛泽东对于内忧外患问题的思考 ,并进而影响了以此为基础的中国对外战略调整。事实上 ,中苏两国在援越问题上不可能携手共同行动 ,而且还有争夺越南的利害冲突的成分 ,这使得中苏在同时援越的过程中产生冲突和矛盾 ,特别是越南在其抗美救国的战争中力争得到中苏双方的最大援助 ,使得这种纠葛更加突出起来。本文着重论说对越物质援助中的中苏之间的矛盾与冲突 ,并对其发生背景、发展变化作了一个历史考察     

Securing the “Interests” of the South: John Mitchel,A.G. Magrath,and the Reopening of the Transatlantic Slave Trade

Traditionally scholars have downplayed the importance of southern calls to reopen the transatlantic slave trade in the 1850s. Those who have paid serious attention to this effort see it as another endeavor by aristocratic planters to enshrine their social, economic, and political power in the antebellum South. The advocates were, as one puts it, “no champions of the common white man.” Two Irish-American leaders who supported the reopening, John Mitchel and Andrew Gordon Magrath, complicate this view of the attempt as just a planters’ plot. Their actions and opinions indicate that some proponents did see importing African slaves as something that would benefit all whites and not just the elite, and, as a result, protect the overall “interests” of the South. Mitchel and Magrath's support of Ireland and Irish immigrants and their opposition to British power influenced their positions on the matter.     

20世纪60年代西方学生运动的若干特点

20世纪60年代在西方爆发了大规模的学生运动,它有力地冲击着资本主义政治制度,批判了资本主义化和教育制度。这次新型的群众运动是在世界体系和全球化背景下展开的。它是第二次世界大战结束后发生在西方社会的重大事件,具有不同于以往革命群众的若干特点。     

60年代美国对华政策研究现状述评

国内外对于 50年代的中美关系和美国对华政策的研究已经取得了丰富的成果 ,而对 60年代美国对华政策的探讨还远远不够深入。美国学者对这一段外交史的研究带有较大的缺陷 ,其主流观点也经历了三次偏摆 ;相比之下中国学者的研究则相当滞后 ,零星的成果也是相当粗糙的。造成这种局面的原因有两个方面 :首先是大部分学者只关注这一时期的主要事态———越南战争 ,认为这一时期美国对华政策基本上承继了 50年代美国对华政策的遗产 ;其次很重要的一点是 ,决定 60年代美国对华政策的最重要的一部分外交档案———约翰逊政府时期的“美国外交文件集”于年前刚刚解密。本文试图依据已获得的这部分档案材料对 60年代的美国对华政策及中美关系的研究现状做一次综述性探索 ,以期抛砖引玉 ,引起同仁对这一主题的重视 ,并展开争鸣。     

New Light on the Korean War

It is the natural order of states and their governments to periodically upset the constructed balance of power and to subsequently seek out a ‘reset button.’ Such was the case following the First World War when the European map was redrawn and East Central Europe took on the appearance of a fractured and contested zone. What emerged from the confluence of four defunct empires was a collection of newly fabricated or reconstituted states vying for existence in a traditionally contested zone of influence. In October 1921, the Successor States of the Austro-Hungarian Empire convened a conference in the Adriatic town of Porto Rose to negotiate the details of commercial relations amongst themselves and to determine the broader economic character of the region. For Czechoslovakia – the most industrialized and arguably the most Westernized of these states – the conference presented an opportunity to promote its foreign economic agenda. This study represents a unique examination of the first international conference held among independent East European states and the importance it held for Czechoslovakia's foreign economic-policy objectives in the years following the First World War. At the same time, the study suggests connections with more recent overtures toward economic integration.     

韩国对越参战问题初探

越南战争期间,韩国派出大规模部队参与战争,成为美国盟国中派兵规模最大的国家。韩国参战并非美国压力的结果,而是主动请缨,但从韩国提出参战到实现派兵的整个过程无不与美国有着密切的关系,同时也与冷战大背景及韩国的政治经济状况密切相关。参加越战对美韩关系及韩国的政治经济发展均产生了深刻影响。韩国参战后,美国提高了本已削减了的对韩经济军事援助,停止了驻韩美军的削减,美韩安全合作的新领域得到拓展,两国关系的不平衡结构亦得到改变。     

Using the personal to critique the popular: women’s memories of 1960s youth

Popular memory depicts 1960s young adults as affluent, permissive, promiscuous, delinquent, sub- or counter-cultural rebels. But these stylised images do not reflect the lived experiences of ordinary young adults, particularly young women, in the 1960s. Using Mass Observation and oral history interviews, this article examines how women who were young adults in the 1960s remember their youths and how they negotiate the gap between popular memory and personal experience. It argues that women can readily critique the popular memory of 1960s youth where it does not match their own lived experience. The popular memory is powerful, however, and so still shapes their understanding of the experiences and concepts of youth more generally. Moreover, the way women negotiate between popular and personal memories of youth is conditioned by their attempt to create composure and by subsequent life experiences.     

Engagement,estrangement or divorce? The new universities and their communities in the 1960s

The new universities of the 1960s were innovatory, in their curricula, architecture, independence and academic ambitions. They also marked a different relationship between universities and their localities. For a century, new universities had been predicated on local demand, whereas the 1960s universities were conceived of as national institutions meeting a national demand. This new approach to university–civic connections was sudden, novel and contributed to a sense of remoteness attached to the new universities. This paper examines how the different policy was formulated, predominantly by the UGC, and considers some examples of how the policy played out in practice.     

20世纪五六十年代“红专”问题的讨论

20世纪50年代中后期至60年代中期,中国社会掀起了颇具声势与规模的关于＂红专＂问题的讨论。这一讨论的出发点是好的,但受＂左＂的思想影响,对＂红＂的概念界定不清,将＂红＂与＂专＂割裂对立开来,造成了人们认识上的很大混乱,教训深刻。     

The Making of a Non-Aligned Nuclear Power: India's Proliferation Drift, 1964–8

The article examines the strategic circumstances leading to non-aligned India's safeguard of its nuclear option during a crucial period in its proliferation trajectory, when it was one of the states closest to nuclear-weapons development, and faced US pressures to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) that was being negotiated at the time. Based on Indian, US, and French primary sources, this paper demonstrates that India's regional strategic insecurities and bilateral tensions with the United States were too great for it to sign the NPT. Yet, New Delhi's capability to successfully reprocess weapons-grade plutonium permitted the developing country substantial leverage that it exploited through advancing on a slow dual-use nuclear programme.     

“The Black Tile in the Mosaic”: Austin Chesterfield Clarke and the Canadian Literary Tradition

This paper engages selected moments in Austin Clarke’s literary journey to argue that in spite of his involvement in the development of Canadian literature (CanLit) during the 1960s and 1970s, the Canadian literary establishment continues to pay little critical attention to his contributions. This lack of recognition is specifically evident in recent writings about Canadian literature and the literary figures who spearheaded its development after Canada’s Multiculturalism policy of 1971. Canada’s becoming officially multicultural required a new narrative of Canada and new literary depictions of Canadians in their national literature, as ethnically diversified but of a single citizenship. I argue that Clarke’s legacy as a Black writer should be given more prominence in Canadian institutions because today this legacy is under threat of erasure as the number of Canadian Black voices telling mainstream stories about Black people’s experiences is evidently in decline.     

The Archaeology of War: A North American Perspective

This article reviews recent archaeological research on warfare in prestate societies of native North America. This survey comprises six regions: Arctic/Subarctic, Northwest Coast, California, Southwest/Great Basin, Great Plains, and Eastern Woodlands. Two lines of evidence, defensive settlement behavior and injuries in human skeletal remains, figure prominently in archaeological reconstructions of violence and warfare in these regions. Burning of sites and settlements also has been important for identifying the consequences of war and investigating more subtle aspects of strategy and directionality. Weaponry and iconography have to date provided important but more limited insights. Although considerable disparities exist between regions in the archaeological evidence for intra- and intergroup violence, all regions show a marked increase after A.D. 1000. These findings suggest that larger forces may have been responsible for escalating violence throughout North America at this time.     

60年代前期党对知识分子政策的反思和调整

60年代前期 ,党对知识分子政策进行了反思和调整 ,成为贯彻知识分子政策最自觉、最全面的时期之一。 1 958年秋冬至 1 960年党对知识分子政策的反思和重新认识 ,为 1 961年开始的知识分子政策调整准备了条件。 1 961年开始的调整主要从制定科研、教育、文艺的工作条例 ;为知识分子“脱帽加冕”及为被错误批判的知识分子甄别平反等方面进行。 60年代前期知识分子政策的调整 ,范围广 ,力度大 ,措施实 ,取得了良好的效果     

Desert Victory: The War for Kuwait: Norman Friedman

Book reviewed in this article: The Scourging of Iraq: Sanctions, Law and Natural Justice, 2nd ed: Geoff Simons     

曾纪泽与中法战争时期的英国调停

1883—1885年中法战争期间英国的数度调停,目的在于独立操纵中法和议,以维护英国在华优势地位及列强共同侵华的统治秩序。曾纪泽维护中国国家利益和尊严的外交立场和活动及其对清政府政策的影响,是英国调停未能如愿成功的重要原因。