20世纪30年代法国军事辩论的惨痛教训

1940年法国战败,军事理论落后是其重要原因之一,而祸根在30年代的军事辩论时就已经种下。30年代法国军事辩论的主要内容是如何认识坦克集群战争。艾蒂安纳、杜芒克、戴高乐等人根据当时欧洲新的军事思潮,主张坦克战;反对派昧于历史新趋势,简单化地、过分乐观地认为,法国已经建立可靠的防线,法军已拥有足够的坦克,坦克只需掩护步兵,而组织坦克部队进攻将是一种冒险,敌人即使突破或绕过防线仍旧无法取胜。1940年法国的溃败,对这场军事辩论做了实际的总结。法国关于坦克集群战争的辩论和它屈服于坦克集群的事实,为我们提供了若干颇有价值的启示：军事理论的辩论一般具有长远意义;必须认识传统的力量及其限度;军事上的正确判断是打败对手的基本条件之一;必须看到军事理论、战争皆和社会生产、国家经济密切相关;落后的军事理论与压制先进军事思想的政策,势必对国家民族造成不可弥补的损失。     

Imagined productive communities: Industrial rationalisation and cultural crisis in 1930s France

This article discusses the French interwar movement in favour of the rationalisation of work and its ideas for a new industrial order. It argues that these ideas were shaped by anxieties about the social consequences of mass production and that a preoccupation with the (re-)creation of productive communities was central to the rationalisation project in France. Rather than embracing American-style mass production as the only model for modernisation, the French modernisers discussed here sought to map out a distinctive route: they sought ways in which goods could be produced on a mass scale, while workers were organised on a human scale, or even returned to the land. Such ambitions gesture just as much towards the passéisme of the Révolution nationale as to the model of Fordist America or the postwar transformation of France.     

The French Republic and Women's Access to Professional Work: Issues and Controversies in France from the 1870s to the 1930s

While the French feminist movements campaigning to obtain the right to vote between the 1870s and the 1930s are well known, the struggles for women's access to higher education and professional work have not yet been studied in depth. Although the French Third Republic (1871–1940) claimed to adhere to the principles of equality, meritocracy and the ‘free competition of talents’, which translated concretely into the creation of a system of scholarships, competitions and professional degrees which provided access to many of the professional careers, these doors remained largely closed to the first women attempting to enter them. The controversies that this situation provoked are the subject of this article, which draws from professional, parliamentary, press and activist sources. More broadly, through examining this particular series of controversies, the article aims to give an account of the mechanisms and arguments that are generally used to make such discriminations publicly acceptable within institutional spaces that are formally governed by the principle of equal access.     

Radar and Air Defence in the 1930s

The article sets out to demonstrate that radar played a central,but hitherto unrecognized, role in the formation of Britishair policy during the 1930s. It is generally conceived thatthe secret of radar was stumbled across, as if by accident,in early 1935, and was then employed to devastating effect inthe Battle of Britain. The article, however, shows that thedesire for an effective instrument for air defence had gestatedduring the First World Wart—when Britain sought to fightoff the Zeppelin and Gotha bombing raids—and the searchcontinued throughout the 1920s and early 1930s. Moreover, theprinciple of radar had been known since 1904, but scientificbackwardness precluded practical progress. There is detailedexamination of the intricate political manoeuvring by PrimeMinister Stanley Baldwin and others which accompanied the adoptionof radar as Britain's primary line of defence against the Luftwaffein preference to the increasingly obsolete doctrine of bomberdeterrence. In conclusion, radar was deliberately developed,and consciously conceived of, as a device that would be slottedinto a proved framework of observation and organization constructedon top of Britain's First World War air defence system.     

Christian co-operation and the ecumenical ideal in the 1930s and 1940s

This article looks at the early ecumenical movement and the difficulties confronting Christian co-operation. It is particularly concerned with co-operation between the Roman and non-Roman churches. It explores how a combination of institutional suspicion, individual prejudice, and political considerations at both the national and international level, exacerbated an already complex and difficult situation caused by deep doctrinal divisions and ancient animosity. In addition to the institutional obstacles to be overcome in realising the ecumenical ideal, its advocates, despite believing in the principle and working selflessly toward its achievement, harboured severe doubts about the inclusion of the Roman Catholic Church which hindered the very task they had set themselves. Insights into this dilemma are provided by the struggle of William Temple, perhaps one of the most well known and respected figures in the ecumenical movement, to overcome his own anti-Roman sentiments and suspicions. Temple's inner conflicts and the influence of external events are key components illustrating the complex amalgam of problems that confronted early ecumenists. Post-war reactions following Temple's death to his efforts to facilitate a wartime approach to Pius XII serve not only to extend the insights, but also to demonstrate further the constraints and limitations imposed by secular as well as ecclesiastical politics.     

Wedding Culture in 1930s Shanghai: Consumerism,Ritual, and the Municipality

By the 1930s, a variety of forces were chipping away at the traditional Chinese wedding in urban centers like Shanghai. “New-style” weddings—with a bride in a white wedding dress—took place outside of the home and featured networks of friends, choice of one’s spouse, autonomy from one’s parents, and the promise of happiness and independence. With the publication of wedding portraits and detailed discussions of new-style wedding etiquette and its trappings, women’s magazines further shaped the new-style bride as a consumer and an individual. Early reformers had envisioned the new-style ceremony as a streamlined and affordable alternative to traditional ceremonies, but for most city residents these weddings remained out of reach. After the Nationalist consolidation of power in 1928, Shanghai was deemed a crucial site for the promotion of ritual reform and economic restraint. Weddings were at the crux of this movement, which was buttressed by the Civil Code of 1931 allowing children to legally marry without parental consent. New Life Movement group weddings came next. These ceremonies co-opted urban wedding culture in an attempt to frame the new-style wedding as a ritual of politicized citizenship under the Nationalist government. The tension between the popular, commercial, new-style wedding and the Nationalists’ Spartan political vision, as played out in the market, is examined below.     

20世纪30年代美国的和平主义运动

20世纪30年代,在人们对第一次世界大战进行反省和日益恶化的国际形势的影响下,美国社会出现了一股与孤立主义既相联系又相区别的和平主义思潮。和平主义者主要由妇女、宗教界人士和在校大学生组成。他们反对战争和军备,主张以和平的手段和方式解决国际纠纷。在法西斯主义猖獗的时代背景下,和平主义者的理念及其实践显得与现实严重脱节,最后只能以失败而告终。     

20世纪30年代吴晗史学述论

20世纪30年代是吴晗学术历程中的辉煌时段。他一直受到唯物史观派与史料派的双重影响,出入于两派之间。吴晗在学术起点上具有二元性,同时蕴涵着社会史学与考据史学两种基因。正是这种学术上的综合与兼容,使吴盼的研究成果获得了恒久的生命力。     

20世纪30年代的文实之争

20世纪30年代,中国的教育正处于一场大变革时期,无论是政府中人还是一般教育者都试图对变革有所影响。文实之争正是在这一背景下发生的。论争首先发生于广州,1932年5月19日,邹鲁等政要提出在广州各大学“停办文法科或减少数量”,由此在广州《民国日报》现代青年栏引发了讨论。相差仅11天,陈果夫也向国民党中央提出了“十年之内停办文法科”的教育改革方案,此后围绕着是否应该“抑文重实”发生了全国性的讨论。这场貌似简单的关于一条具体教育改革措施的论争,实际上隐含着非常丰富的内容,诸如社会问题的解决、国难的因应、地方和中央之争、自由知识分子与国民党之争等无一不在其中。梳理纷纭,揭示细故,既可再现当时教育变革的场景,又可发现隐藏在教育中的历史。     

20世纪30-40年代的实业界星五聚餐会

星五聚餐会是由中国银行总经理张公权发起而逐渐形成的一个以定期的聚会、座谈为主要活动方式的社会团体。1932年3月,该团体开始在上海举行定期聚餐座谈,抗战时期先后迁到香港、重庆等地举行,抗战胜利后主要在上海、重庆举行,一直延续到1952年为止。在前后20年间,星五聚餐会的聚餐座谈活动多达近千次,极少间断。与聚餐会直接相联系的有各地中国国货公司的创建,以及包括西南实业协会在内的抗战时期后方各主要工业团体组织。随着星五聚餐会影响的扩大,在抗战时期的昆明、贵州、桂林、成都以及抗战胜利后的武汉等地的工商实业界中,都出现了星五…     

民主与独裁论战背后的非学理因素

民主与独裁论战背后有很多复杂因素,其中关于一个领袖的争论是非学理因素,也就是说,这场争论的重心已经由学理上的要民主还是要独裁转移到了中国有没有可以独裁的人、由谁独裁、这个人有没有独裁的能力的现实政治问题,非学理因素与学理因素纠扯在一起,使得不同知识分子群体表现出复杂的心理取向。五四以降,政统上的秩序危机与学统上的意义危机之间存在着较大的张力,尽管本文所选取的对象在对现存政府的合法性——道统的认可是有某种程度的共识的,但对于一个领袖谁来做的不同看法则反映出他们对于解决意义危机的犹疑之态,从而也表现出民国思想界道统、政统与学统之间错综复杂的关系。     

The pentiti of the Sicilian mafia in the 1930s

Mussolini had declared that Fascism, through the anti-mafia campaign entrusted to Cesare Mori, prefect of Palermo, in the second half of the 1920s, had conclusively liberated Sicily from the mafia. However, from the early 1930s a new deterioration of public order on the island was evident, and the regime was forced to launch a second, and much less publicised, repression of this phenomenon. In the course of its careful investigations the body given responsibility for pursuing this repression, the Ispettorato Generale di Pubblica Sicurezza per la Sicilia, compiled a series of reports, including the Processo verbale di denunzia relating to the area around Palermo. With a level of detail never seen before, these reports described the structure, organisation and dynamics of mafia groups. This was possible because police officers had available members of the mafia groups themselves – genuine pentiti – who had decided to make disclosures to the authorities.     

20世纪三四十年代的中国边疆研究及其发展趋向

20世纪三四十年代,大量专业的边疆研究刊物、社团创立,部分大学设置了边政学系等边疆教育研究机构,边疆研究的内容在传承中得到了拓伸,同时也开始了构建近代意义的边疆研究方法与理论的尝试。这一时期的边疆研究重视中华民族观念的讨论,是"致用"与"致知"双重社会需求的产物,具有明显的政府组织与推动的时代特征,表现出突破传统史学窠臼向独立学科发展的基本趋势,在研究理念上呈现出跨学科综合研究的多维视角。     

《大公报》与中国20世纪30年代的现代化运动

“九一八”事变后,《大公报》认为发展经济以增强国家实力是救中国的出路,提出“混合经济 统制经济 中央集权政府”的现代化方案,并对现代化问题进行深入探讨。它力图通过推动国民党政府,争取一个相对稳定的政治环境,自上而下地实现经济层面的现代化。它对国民党政府不论支持与指责都以其能否进行现代化建设为标准。《大公报》敦促政府推进经济建设,重视经济生活中发生的事件,为经济发展出谋划策,在推动中国现代化进程中起了舆论导向作用。