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1.
T he employment prospects for graduates in different disciplines have recently been the focus of attention for many pessimists.1 Surveys relating to this problem have been made in a number of countries over the past few years.2 In Canada, the Canadian Association of Geographers established a Careers Committee in 1970, under the chairmanship of Professor R. Paquette. The initial task of the committee was to survey the fields of employment into which graduates have moved in the past.  相似文献   

2.
Students of the Supreme Court universally agree that it made a dramatic shift in 1937. First, in West Coast Hotel Company v. Parrish, 1 it retreated from the unbridled use of the Fourteenth Amendment's Due Process Clause to invalidate state economic regulatory legislation. Then, in National Labor Relations Board v. Jones and Laughlin Steel Corporation , 2 the Justices widened the reach of congressional power under the Commerce Clause. This looser reading of the Commerce Clause was solidified in 1941 with United States v. Darby Lumber Company 3 and Wickard v. Filburn. 4 So decisive were these cases in dividing what went before from what came afterward that Bernard Schwartz has said, "The 1937 reversal marked the accession of what may be considered the second Hughes Court—so different was its jurisprudence from that of the Hughes Court that had preceded it." 5 Whereas the defining jurisprudence of the former had been close supervision of economic policy, the latter refused to second guess the economic wisdom of congressional (and state) regulatory initiatives. Alpheus T. Mason summarized Justice Harlan Fisk Stone's approach, which was indicative of the entire Court of this era, as one that would not say that "no economic legislation would ever violate constitutional restraints, [but that] … in this area the court's role would be strictly confined." 6 Confirming this approach, between 1937 and 1957 the Supreme Court struck down only four federal statutes as unconstitutional, none of which were economic in nature. 7  相似文献   

3.
The legendary Washington Bureau Chief and columnist of The New York Times , James Reston, with a push from Felix Frankfurter, decided that the paper of record would have its own correspondent specializing in the Supreme Court. 1 With his eye for excellent young talent, 2 Reston chose Anthony Lewis, already a Pulitzer-Prize winner before his thirtieth birthday, 3 and sent him to Harvard for the 1956–57 academic year as a Nieman Fellow to study law.  相似文献   

4.
The seminal work of Derthick and Quirk (1985 ) argues that public policy changes when the intellectual debate of ideas establishes that policy options are legitimate and current policies are ineffective. 1 Overlooked in their otherwise exceptional analysis is the role that country music plays in the politics of ideas. 2 The thesis of this article is that country music is a crucial part of the politics of ideas, and, in fact, many policy debates are resolved in country music well before the intellectual community of policy analysts reaches a consensus. This article will recap some of the key policy debates in which country music set the agenda, 3 established the key policy alternatives, or resolved the policy debate and permitted the adoption of public policy ( Anderson, 1994 ). 4  相似文献   

5.
Over the past generation, roughly the period since 1980, there has been a discernible professionalization among the advocates before the Supreme Court, to the extent that one can speak of the emergence of a real Supreme Court bar. Before defending that proposition, it is probably worth considering whether advocacy makes a difference—whether oral argument matters. My view after one year on the opposite side of the bench is the same as that expressed by no less a figure than Justice John Marshall Harlan—the second one—forty-nine years ago, after he completed his year on the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. 1 Justice Harlan lamented what he saw as a growing tendency among the bar "to regard the oral argument as little more than a traditionally tolerated part of the appellate process," a chore "of little importance in the decision of appeals." 2 This view, he said, was "greatly mistaken." 3 As Justice Harlan told the bar, "[Y]our oral argument on appeal is perhaps the most effective weapon you have got." 4  相似文献   

6.
The Civil Rights Cases 1 do not quite rival Plessy v. Ferguson 2 for notoriety as the decision that most clearly confirmed the failure of Reconstruction and the rise of Jim Crow. Yet the Civil Rights Cases did far more than Plessy to limit federal power to address the continuing consequences of slavery. They declared unconstitutional the Civil Rights Act of 1875 insofar as it prohibited discrimination in public accommodations operated by private parties. Congress passed that act under its powers to enforce the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments, but the Court held the act unconstitutional on the ground that private discrimination was neither a badge or incident of slavery under the Thirteenth Amendment nor a manifestation of state action under the Fourteenth. Although the Court's holding under the Thirteenth Amendment was effectively overruled by the Warren Court, 3 its holding under the Fourteenth Amendment continues to be influential, supporting a decision of the Rehnquist Court striking down the Violence Against Women Act. 4  相似文献   

7.
We want to identify and collect data on the special need concerns, interests, talents, successes and frustrations of Canadian Muslim women; we intend to sensitize Canadian Muslim men and women, young and old, so that they may understand each other better and relate to one another more meaningfully and effectively. We want to inform and educate fellow Canadians about our Islamic heritage. We also plan to reach out to, and build coalitions with, other women's groups who share and respect our ideals and concerns. Beyond Canada, we shall join hands with sister organizations in promoting human dignity and world peace. In these endeavors, we seek your cooperation and support. The Canadian Muslim Woman is your voice. Help us make it a voice of reason and moderation.1  相似文献   

8.
With the rarest of exceptions, when Supreme Court Justices leave the Court, they are soon all but forgotten. 1 Constitutional law is unrelentingly presentist, so closely intertwined with politics and society that sitting (or recently departed) Justices necessarily speak to the issues more directly than those from another era. If that were not enough, being forgotten is virtually inevitable for those whose careers are short. One of those men was Wiley Rutledge who served from February 1943 until his death at age 55 from a cerebral hemorrhage, six and a half years later. Until John M. Ferren's recently published and marvelously researched Salt of the Earth, Conscience of the Court , 2 Rutledge even lacked a true biography. 3 That has been a shame, because the two dominant themes of Ferren's book show that Rutledge is worth knowing: He was a good man and a good judge. Indeed, on what probably was the most fractious Court in American history, 4 Rutledge was the sole member both personally liked and intellectually respected by every other member. 5  相似文献   

9.
L ocational c onflict is a frequent by-product of efforts to change the physical structure of man-made environments. Within the geography discipline, theoretical and empirical interests in the conflict basis of public and private decisions on the use of land were stimulated in the early 1970s by the work of Julian Wolpert and his associates.1 The resolution of conflicts over the locations of specific activities is seen as an important means of allocating benefits among locations2 and has led to considerable variations in the distribution of necessary services and amenities among residents of the city.3 Indeed, irrespective of overt evidences of conflict occurrence, David Harvey has characterized the land-use pattern itself as an important indicator of the socio-political rules which direct urban development.4  相似文献   

10.
"When the Supreme Court invites you, that's the equivalent of a royal command. An invitation from the Supreme Court just can't be rejected." 1 The guest most frequently invited to the Supreme Court is the Solicitor General. Even before the practice of the Supreme Court calling for the views of the Solicitor General process developed, the Court occasionally invited the Solicitor General to participate as amicus in important cases by submitting a brief and/or participating in oral arguments before the Court. 2 As then–Solicitor General Simon E. Sobeloff remarked to then–Attorney General Herbert Brownell in a 1954 letter about the landmark school desegregation cases, "The Supreme Court has expressly extended an invitation to the United States to participate in the reargument. While this by no means compels participation, such an invitation is not to be lightly declined." 3  相似文献   

11.
An inventory of provincial lakes and reservoirs has been developed to characterise and assess the distribution and morphometry of standing water bodies in British Columbia. In the province, there are over 241,500 lakes and reservoirs greater than 1,000 m 2 in size. These water bodies cover 2.37 percent of the province area and contain an estimated 521 km 3 of water (312 km 3 in natural lakes and 209 km 3 in reservoirs). A hypsometric relation suitable for order-of-magnitude estimates of lake volume from lake area is presented. Based on the distribution and morphometric attributes of lakes, several distinctive limnologic regions were identified, including the northeastern Alberta Plateau (highest proportion of circular lakes), the southwestern Alberta Plateau (lowest lake density/coverage and highest proportion of irregularly shaped lakes) and the Milbanke Strandflat (highest density of lakes). Observed regional and scale-related patterns in lake distribution/morphometry appear to be largely related to geomorphic controls, particularly tectonic and glacial history. Large-scale hydrologic implications of these standing water bodies and potential ecosystem/water resource management applications of the provincial inventory are also discussed.  相似文献   

12.
"Despite my emotions, I could not refuse the responsibility which has been offered; for in times like these, even more so than in times of war, individuals cease to be significant. Only the common welfare is important," explained Lewis Douglas in 1933 as he accepted President-elect Franklin Delano Roosevelt's offer of the position of director of the budget.1 Douglas came to his post with a strong sense of obligation—he was certain the United States was in a "critical condition," and the only solution to the devastating depression lay in balancing the budget.2 Roosevelt seemingly agreed with Douglas. Newspapers reported that the young budget director would "make his mark in the Roosevelt administration" and "be at the heart of things." Journalists argued that Roosevelt's appointment was an "indication that Roosevelt means business in his promise to reduce government costs."3  相似文献   

13.
Decisions by the Supreme Court that are accorded "landmark" status are chiefly remembered for their holdings and effects. Such cases are also typically linked to a particular era of judicial history, as Marbury v. Madison 1 was to the Marshall Court and Jefferson's presidency, as Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer 2 was to the Vinson Court and Truman's presidency, and as Miranda v. Arizona 3 was to the Warren Court and the tumultuous 1960s. But probably only serious students of the Court will recall that Marbury was decided in 1803, Youngstown in 1952, and Miranda in 1966. And fewer still will know, without first consulting a reference, that Marbury came down on February 24, the Steel Seizure Case on June 2, and Miranda on June 13. Scholars typically associate decisions with years, not the day of the month.  相似文献   

14.
Chief Justice Earl Warren once wrote that a free government is continuously "on trial for its life." 1 And never are the foundations of constitutional liberties more fragile than in periods of emergency, when government invokes extraordinary powers. Invariably, emergency powers involve the immediate curtailment of some rights; at their extreme in martial law, they can warrant an entire suspension of normal civilian governmental functions, as well as full suspension of due-process guarantees. 2 Once the constitutional fabric has been stretched to accommodate urgent public necessity in such situations, moreover, restoration to its earlier condition is not automatic or inevitable. On the contrary, as Justice Robert Jackson presciently warned, once the Supreme Court validates as constitutional the abridgement of essential rights during an emergency—and especially when the Court does so in relation to "the vague, undefined and undefinable 'war power'"—any principle that is thus articulated to justify such emergency action "then lies about like a loaded weapon ready for the hand of any authority that can bring forward a plausible claim of an urgent need." 3  相似文献   

15.
During the Civil War, both the Union Congress and the Confederate Congress put in place sweeping confiscation programs designed to seize the private property of enemy citizens on a massive scale. Meeting in special session in August 1861, the U.S. Congress passed the First Confiscation Act, authorizing the federal government to seize the property of those participating directly in the rebellion. 1 The Confederate Congress retaliated on August 30, 1861, passing the Sequestration Act. 2 This law authorized the Confederate government to forever seize the real and personal property of "alien enemies," a term that included every U.S. citizen and all those living in the Confederacy who remained loyal to the Union.  相似文献   

16.
Analyzing the development of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), Laurence Helfer and Anne-Marie Slaughter argue that in the early years of the court, ECJ justices "borrowed a leaf from Chief Justice John Marshall's book, edging principles forward while deciding for those most likely to oppose them in practice."1 The most famous example of this paradox in Marshall's jurisprudence can be found, of course, in his seminal opinion in Marbury v. Madison. While asserting the right of the judicial branch to nullify legislation it deemed unconstitutional, Marshall used an implausible construction of the jurisdictional powers given to the Supreme Court in Article III of the Constitution2 to deny the petitioner the remedy to which Marshall claimed he was otherwise entitled. While Marbury is generally portrayed as the fountainhead of judicial review in the United States (and therefore in liberal democracies in general), as Mark Graber points out, the decision was in fact a "strategic judicial retreat…in the face of threats by executive…power."3 In order to assert the power of judicial review, in other words, Marshall had to refrain from applying it in the case in question.  相似文献   

17.
One of the striking differences between the federal Union established under the Constitution and the Confederation of States established under the Articles of Confederation is the creation under Article III of a judicial power of the United States and of a Supreme Court to exercise that power. Acting pursuant to its power to determine the structure of that Court, Congress determined that the Court should consist of one Chief Justice and five Associate Justices. The six lawyers President Washington named to the Court 1 were leading members of the bar, yet none achieved lasting distinction by reason of his service on the Court. Chief Justice Jay, for example, is best remembered for the treaty with England which bears his name; and when he resigned in 1795 following his election as Governor of New York, local papers referred to his new office as "a promotion." 2  相似文献   

18.
Sandra Day O'Connor's appointment to the Supreme Court was a historic stride in American women's slow but determined march towards full equality. At our nation's birth, Abigail Adams urged her husband and other members of the Continental Congress to "Remember the Ladies" in their new government. 1 "We know better than to repeal our Masculine systems," John Adams replied only half jokingly. 2 More than two centuries would pass before a woman donned Supreme Court robes to help interpret the United States Constitution.  相似文献   

19.
Turf-banked solifluction lobes are common landforms of the Canadian Rocky Mountains. Observations made 1980–3 at 45 sites reveal a wide range in the rate of solifluction. The most rapid rates occur on moderately sloping, northeast-facing sites, in close proximity to the local treeline. However, statistical comparison indicates these variations are insignificant and that the mean rate of solifluction is similar throughout the area. Solifluction has an average rate of surface movement of 0.61 ± 0.21 cm/year and is responsible for annually transporting 8.76 ± 3.57 cm3/cm of sediment in the southern Canadian Rockies .
La topographie des Rocheuses canadiennes prend souvent la forme de lobes de solifluxion gazonner. Des observations faites entre 1980 et 1 983 dans 45 sites de ces lobes révèlent que le processus de solifluxion varie grandement d'un endroit à l'autre dans cette région. Les taux les plus rapides se retrouvent dans des sites modérément inclinés et orientés vers le nord-ouest, situés à proximité de la lisière des bois. Pourtant, des comparaisons statistiques indiquent que ces variations sont d'importance minime et que le taux moyen de solifluxion recte semblable à travers toute la région. La solifluxion se faut à un taux moyen de mouvement à la surface de 0,61 cm ± 0,21 cm par année et on peut lui imputer le fait de transporter annuellement de 8,76 cm3/ cm ± 3,57 cm3/cm de sediments dans la partie sud des Rocheuses canadiennes .  相似文献   

20.
The U.S. Supreme Court case Gibbons v. Ogden (1824) 1 represents one of the most significant yet least understood cases in the history of American jurisprudence. Most accounts depict the case as a constitutional showdown between former New Jersey Governor Aaron Ogden and his estranged business partner, a Georgian businessman and planter named Thomas Gibbons. Ogden charged Gibbons with operating a steamboat on the Hudson River in violation of the Fulton–Livingston Steamboat monopoly that controlled steam travel in the state of New York. In March 1824, Chief Justice John Marshall ruled for the Supreme Court that Gibbons' federal coasting license trumped a state grant issued to Ogden by the Fulton–Livingston syndicate. 2  相似文献   

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