George W. Bush's War on Terrorism and Sin

Abstract

In George W. Bush's inaugural address, informed by ‘compassionate conservatism’, there was a tension between two familiar goals in US political discourse: conserving the status quo and changing the world for the better by cleansing it of sin. In Bush's discursive construction of the war on terrorism, ‘compassionate conservatism’ and the construction of sin were folded into a unified discourse, with the emphasis on preventing dangerous change rather than creating positive change. A static state of safety, constantly protected by ‘compassionate conservatism’ and war, is now offered by American conservatives as the most viable and most patriotic way to stave off the forces of sin.     

Reporting on Two Presidencies: News Coverage of George W. Bush's First Year in Office

Personal coverage of President Bush during 2001 on network television and in six U.S. newspapers became far more positive after September 11, 2001, with the largest gains found in network television coverage. Coverage of the rest of the Bush administration, in contrast, became distinctly more negative after the terrorist attacks. The vast majority of the executive branch coverage both before and after the terrorist attacks in all media outlets focused on job performance, not the questions of character, ethics and political conduct that often dominate presidential campaign coverage.     

Visual Persuasion in George W. Bush's Presidency: Cowboy Imagery in Public Discourse

Discussion of George W. Bush's rhetoric typically focuses on his spoken address, yet his use of cowboy visuals also qualifies as public communication. By visually identifying himself as a cowboy Bush associated his presidency with the story of the mythic cowboy, a powerful concept in American culture. While visual images are typically not considered a substantive and rational form of political communication, Bush's cowboy persona, emphasized visually, prompted widespread debate about his leadership style and approach to national problems, particularly terrorism. While many did not agree with his policies, the simplicity of the visual message and the foundational nature of the cowboy story provided a narrative that prompted a national debate on substantive issues of the day. Language is still considered the critical element of political debate, but as Bush's experience demonstrates, rhetoric includes visual communication as well.     

George W. Bush, Idealist

There is much anger and confused grumbling these days outside the United States—and in Europe in particular—about the character of the Bush administration's foreign policy. Perceived American unilateralism is raising hackles and questions. This article contends that current trends in US foreign policy can be better understood by realizing that many senior Bush administration officials are not 'realists', at least as that philosophy of world politics is classically understood. Many of the resulting views—that, for example, threats to security often originate in ideology rather than material strength—are demonstrably correct and even hopeful in their faith in long-term historical trends. But there may be no getting around the essential contradictions required of US foreign policy in an age when America is the leading power, when a new global community of trading democracies is emerging, and yet when a number of distinctly old-style threats to the peace remain very much in evidence. Washington could do more to smooth the edges of those contradictions in order to point up the idealism and hopefulness of US policy.     

George W. Bush,Barack Obama and the future of US global leadership

The foreign policy world views of George W. Bush and Barack Obama differ dramatically. Bush made terrorism the focal point of his foreign policy and dismissed the idea that either allies or international institutions should constrain America's freedom of action. Obama sees terrorism as one of many transnational problems that require the cooperation of other countries to combat and, as a result, the United States must invest more in diplomatic efforts to build partnerships. Despite these differences, both presidents share one common conviction: that other countries long for US leadership. Bush believed that friends and allies would eventually rally to the side of the United States, even if they bristled at its actions, because they shared America's goals and had faith in its motives. Obama believed that a United States that listened more to others, stressed common interests and favored multinational action would command followers. In practice, however, both visions of American global leadership faltered. Bush discovered that many countries rejected his style of leadership as well as his strategies. Obama discovered that in a globalized world, where power has been more widely dispersed, many countries are not looking to Washington for direction. The future success of US foreign policy depends on the ability of policy‐makers to recognize and adapt to a changing geopolitical environment in which the US remains the most significant military, diplomatic and economic power but finds it, nonetheless, increasingly difficult to drive the global agenda.     

山东滕州市染山西汉画像石墓

2008年,对山东滕州市染山汉墓进行发掘。该墓系在山坡开凿斜坡式墓道和长方形墓坑。在墓坑内用石材砌筑并排的5座椁室,椁室前部有前室和南、北侧室。出土遗物500余件,包括陶器、原始瓷器、玉器等。该墓的年代应为西汉中期,墓主应是郁郎侯刘骄。该墓的发掘为研究西汉葬制、葬俗、画像石艺术等提供了新资料。     

坎宁、伯克对格拉斯顿早期政治观和政治归属的影响

受家庭尤其是父亲的影响,格拉斯顿从小即成为十足的“坎宁派”。出于对坎宁的崇拜,早年的格拉斯顿在一切政治问题上几乎无一例外地追随坎宁,坎宁的内外政策实践与伯克的政治思想,启迪并引导着青少年时期的格拉斯顿,成为他汲取政治智慧的主要源泉;相应地,它们也在一定程度上规定了格拉斯顿早期的政治态度与倾向,使他的早期经历打上了鲜明的保守主义印记。     

端纳遗嘱解密与《中国的端纳》版权纠纷——来自"路易斯档案"

端纳(W.H.Donald,1875-1946)是20世纪上半叶活跃于中国政坛的重要西方人士,被誉为"自马可渡罗以来与中国最高统治者同吃同住的惟一的外国人"①,在中国近代史上留下了特殊的标记.迄今为止,在对端纳的记录或研究方面取得了一定成绩的有:C.C.查普曼(C.Chappie Chapman,1904-1974)②、E.A.赛尔(Earl Albert Sellc,1906-1978)③、J.M.麦卡休(James Marshal McHugh,1899-1966)④和W.G.路易斯(Winston G Lewis,1937-1996)⑤.1945年2月,与端纳一起在集中营生活的难友查普曼根据端纳口述,记录了后者早年参与孙中山的革命活动和辛亥革命的情景,但这个记录只有近50页,并因洛巴尼斯集中营的解放而终止;1946年,美国记者赛尔在檀香山根据端纳的口述完成<中国的端纳>;1950-1960年代,美国海军情报官员麦卡休启动了端纳回忆录写作计划,但因突然逝世而中辍⑥;1969年,澳大利亚学者路易斯开始系统地研究端纳,他采用"地毯式围剿"的方法,遍访分布在地球各处的端纳的同事、友人、亲属和知情者⑦,跑遍了美国、英国、日本、菲律宾、香港、台湾和中国大陆,大海捞针,穷25年之光阴,却在1994年突然宣布封笔,原因是"无法找到足够的历史见证者". 路易斯在追手端纳的岁月里,积累了大量有关端纳的照片、遗物、信件和资料.他逝世后,其夫人将这些宝贵的资料捐献给悉尼米歇尔图书馆,以"路易斯档案"(Winston George Lewis Papcrs)的名义珍藏. "路易斯档案"共有11盒资料,包括端纳与民国时期重要人物之间的通信、文件、缩微胶卷、照片、端纳家庭资料、实蜥等等.2007年早春,笔者以3个月的时间研读这些历史档案,感到端纳研究出现了新的曙光. 由于篇幅所限,本文仅展示"路易斯档案"中端纳、厄尔·赛尔、端纳夫人玛丽(Marry wall Donald,1882～1972)及女儿莫瑞尔(Jan Muriel Donald,1909-1973)、董显光等人的通信,并加以必要的背景诠释,期与对端纳有兴趣的学者共享.     

New Data and New Directions in Interbranch Lobbying: Congressional Mail Summaries of the George H.W. Bush White House

Charles W. Dunn and J. David Woodward, American Conservatism from Burke to Bush. Lanham, MD: Madison Books, 1991. Pp. ix, 213. $18.95. Terry Eastland, Energy in the Executive: The Case for the Strong Presidency. New York: Free Press, 1992. Pp. 392. $22.95. Alonzo L. Hamby, Liberalism and Its Challengers, From F.D.R. to Bush, 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Pp. xi, 431. $16.95 paper, $38.00 hardbound. Thomas S. Langston, Ideologues and Presidents, From the New Deal to the Reagan Revolution. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992. Pp. xxi, 247. $35.00. Arthur Sanders, Victory: How a Progressive Democratic Party Can Win and Govern. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1992. Pp. xiv, 192. $14.95 paper, $42.50 hardbound.