大平总理与21世纪的中日关系

今年是中日邦交正常化20周年纪念,也是已故大平总理豁出性命,作出决断,而又为之实现日中邦交正常化值得纪念的20周年。 大平正芳是日本战后历史上的一位具有远见卓识和胆略的杰出政治家,是前日本首相,美国耶鲁大学名誉法学博士。他长期从事中日友好工作。早在池田内阁任官房长官、外相     

中日邦交正常化与日本对东南亚国家的外交政策

从岸信介内阁到佐藤荣作内阁时期,日本的东南亚政策出发点带有明显的遏制中国的意图。1972年,中国和日本赶超中美关系缓和的步伐,实现了邦交正常化。东南亚国家对此事高度关注,在欢迎中日恢复邦交的同时,担心两国结成同盟及日本的经济援助流向中国。针对此种情况,日本适时给予安抚,指出中日邦交正常化不针对第三国,并表明没有更改对东南亚的友好政策,将继续扩大对它们的经济援助。日本的安抚、日本与东南亚的紧密经济关系、中日邦交正常化与美日安保关系共存的实现、东西方关系缓和的大趋势,共同削弱了中日邦交正常化对日本与东南亚关系的冲击。但这并不意味着此事对日本的东南亚政策毫无影响。中日邦交正常化改变了日本对东南亚政策的出发点,令日本的政策不再明显带有遏制中国的意图,还在政治、经济领域重塑了日本外交的外部环境与内部动力,对日本的东南亚政策产生了深远影响。     

日本组的功绩和遗产——读王雪萍编著《战后日中关系与廖承志——中国的知日派和对日政策》

正一、日中两国的特殊关系1992年,日中两国邦交正常化20周年之际,日本综合评论杂志的论坛上回顾了关于日中两国邦交正常化谈判的过程及两国关系"正常化"的意义。几乎所有的综合杂志都刊登了为日中友好关系打下基础,包括民间人士在内的"挖井人"的证词。当时,中方的重要证人为孙平化。孙平化是自20世纪50年代初就负责中国对日工作的廖承志的部下,曾担任LT贸易廖承志办事处东京联络事务处首席代表,又在邦交正常化前夕赴日,成功促成了日本首相田中角荣的访华。日中邦交正常化以后,他还长期担任中日友好协会会长职务。孙以轻松诙谐的语气回忆了日中邦交正常化以前双方的频繁往来:     

战后日本的新中国研究

本文以战后至1972年9月中日邦交正常化前的日本学术界对于新中国的研究史为研究对象,以日本学术界对新中国政治体制、新中国社会主义经济建设成就、合作社和人民公社、毛泽东思想的研究和考察以及文化大革命的研究为线索,分析了中日邦交正常化前日本学术界对于中国的研究概要。以此,试图分析战后日本学术界的中国观和中国研究的方式、理论。     

中日文学比较研究的现状及问题

讨论战后60年日本文学,需要探讨在这60年里中日比较文学的发展情况,当然探讨巾国大陆在这期间对中日文学比较研究的现状及存在的问题也就有了意义。在中国大陆．随着20世纪70年代中日邦交正常化之后,中国大陆学者开始重新审视日本文学与中国文学的关系问题,尤其是在80年代之后,对日本文学的关注和思考,更是中国大陆学者的一种自觉活动。     

中日文学比较研究的现状及问题

讨论战后60年日本文学,需要探讨在这60年里中日比较文学的发展情况,当然探讨中国大陆在这期间对中日文学比较研究的现状及存在的问题也就有了意义.在中国大陆,随着20世纪70年代中日邦交正常化之后,中国大陆学者开始重新审视日本文学与中国文学的关系问题,尤其是在80年代之后,对日本文学的关注和思考,更是中国大陆学者的一种自觉活动.……     

周恩来“解放”廖承志的“三步妙棋”

正40年前,在中日邦交正常化过程中,全国人大常委会原副委员长廖承志发挥了不可或缺的作用。日本著名政治家藤山爱一郎曾给予高度评价:"他……铺平了对日关系上一条广阔的道路。多亏他这种作风,流水般地导致了两国邦交的恢复,促进了后来交流的发展。"但不太为人知的是,"文化大革命"中,廖承志被批判,     

中日邦交正常化与台湾问题

台湾问题是影响战后中日邦交正常化的主要障碍 ,中国政府提出了对日政治三原则 ,为后来中日复交三原则的产生奠定了基础 ,并采取了原则的坚定性和策略的灵活性相结合的方针。与此同时 ,日本朝野有识之士也为消除这一障碍付出了不懈的努力     

50年代中日民间贸易述评

50年代中日民间贸易经历了一条曲折、艰难的发展历程。尽管如此,但是它开辟了中日平等贸易的道路,为60年代中日民间贸易的大发展和70年代中日邦交正常化打下了基础,因此它在战后中日关系史上具有特殊的地位。     

政治与经济失衡的中日关系演进

日本军国主义覆亡已经有60年,在这一期间的中叶实现了中日邦交正常化.但是,从最近30多年的中日关系史观察,中日邦交正常化并非日本的主动选择,而是美国改变对华战略所产生的国际效应之一,也是由当时中国在中、美、苏大三角关系中的地位决定的.……     

Climate and energy security policies and measures: synergies and conflicts

Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.     

我和我的兄弟姐妹

1938年．我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天．至今不知道．因此．六十多年过去了．我从来也没有过过生日。     

Challenger and Chernobyl Lessons and Reflections

Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.     

Power and Ethnicity History and Anthropology

This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.     

Of Demons and Angels and Historical Humans: Some Events and Questions in Translation and Post-colonial Theory

In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.     

后伊拉克时代与中国的内政外交--普遍主义与单边主义的冲突

"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.