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1.
北伐前数年胡适与中共的关系   总被引:5,自引:1,他引:4  
20世纪20年代胡适同中共的关系,与他从新文化运动后期开始的一系列有关政治的言论和行动相关,也与中共当年试图组成“民主主义的联合战线”这一政策相关。双方当年在对内对外的政治主张上皆有不少歧异,这些分歧在一定程度上影响了胡适与中共的关系,但并未从根本上改变双方“求同”的愿望。真正导致中共不那么重视胡适及其政治派别的,应是国共合作及1925年五卅运动后,其“革命工作”已日益进入具体的工农运动甚至武装斗争阶段。这时,尽管中共仍有“争取”胡适的努力,也相当欣赏胡适对苏俄的公开赞颂,然而双方基本政治立场的对立却未能调和。  相似文献   

2.
胡旭华 《安徽史学》2010,(4):96-101
近代中国自由主义的代表人物胡适,对苏俄的看法经历了从热望到失望的变化过程.五四时期,胡适对苏俄保持了一种实验主义的审慎观察态度.20世纪二三十年代,虽然胡适表现出对苏俄的赞赏,但是仍未脱离其自由主义的根本立场.40年代,胡适激烈批评苏俄的专制,甚至在晚年对他一直追寻的社会主义梦想也一并放弃了.  相似文献   

3.
一、越飞联吴孙文联张 1922年8月12日,越飞以“俄罗斯联邦驻华特命全权大使”的名义,自莫斯科来到北京,其任务为谈判中俄建交、收回中东铁路的管理权。苏俄外蒙驻军等事宜。任务未成,越飞即于次年(1923年)1月6日离京赴沪,与孙中山会谈,26日发表联合声明,27日去东京。 此时中国局势,仍是内江不已。1922年直奉战争后,直胜奉败,奉系首领张作霖退回关外,宣布东三省自治。华南方面,孙中山原开府广州,与奉张、皖段有同盟之约,共抗直系。这年6月,陈炯明兵变,孙脱险登永丰舰,指挥讨陈失利,8月14日来到…  相似文献   

4.
孙中山张作霖的关系与《孙文越飞宣言》   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
孙中山张作霖的关系与《孙文越飞宣言》邱捷孙中山张作霖的关系与《孙文越飞宣言》邱捷众所周知,同张作霖的关系曾是孙中山与苏俄接近的一大障碍。本文拟利用1994年公布的联共(布)与共产国际的资料,探讨孙、张关系及其对《孙文越飞宣言》签订的影响。一在陈炯明...  相似文献   

5.
1923年,已确定联俄、联共政策的孙逸仙,为学习苏俄经验,并和苏联商谈援助问题,决定筹组一代表团赴俄访问。8月5日,蒋介石“禀承总理意旨,约会苏俄代表马林及张继、汪兆铭、林业明等,筹组孙逸仙博士代表团,赴俄报聘,并考察政治及党务”。①经孙中山审定,代表团由国民党员蒋介石(任团长)、王登云及共产党员沈定一、张太雷(时任中共社会主义青年团中央委员、少共国际执行委员)4人组成。孙逸仙在欧洲的非正式代表邵元冲在莫斯科加入了代表团。孙中山为表明代表团的全权性,亲自致函列宁。齐契林、托洛茨基,称“蒋介石是我…  相似文献   

6.
陈文英 《史学月刊》2006,(6):121-123
1925年3月12日,孙中山因病于北京行辕与世长辞.孙中山临终时,留下三纸遗嘱,即:国事遗嘱、家事遗嘱、致苏俄遗书.在孙中山签署的《孙中山致苏俄遗书》中,他对苏联满怀期望:“我遗下的是国民党. 我希望国民党在完成其由帝国主义制度解放中国及其他被侵略国之历史的工作中,与你们合力共作。  相似文献   

7.
胡适在国共党争中选择了国民党,但他的选择并不是无条件的。对他而言,这是一种“弊取其轻”的选择。他坚决反对共产党,对国民党,也曾有相当激烈的批评和冲突。为此,国民党上海特别市党部曾作出决议要求严惩胡适,1931年“九一八”事变,使胡适认为亡国之祸已迫在眉睫,他的政治态度发生了较大的转变,他到南京晋见蒋介石时,批评者变为建言者。1948年末,在国民党大势已去之时,蒋介石曾派人北上邀请胡适南下就任行政院院长一职,为胡婉拒。不久,蒋便派专机到北平将胡接去台湾。新近公开的胡适致蒋介石的一封信,为人们了解、研究胡适…  相似文献   

8.
图书介绍     
《炎黄春秋》2013,(8):23-23
《国民党的联共与反共》:国民党与共产党的关系,始于孙中山的容共政策,孙中山为什么会采取容共的政策?是用以“联俄”的一种诱饵还是纯粹看重共产党人的才干,并予以重用呢?从孙中山接纳中共的初衷和后来孙中山对中共态度的两难可以看出,一方面允许共产党保持自身的组织独立性和批判自由,另一方面又要求共产党员像所有国民党员那样服从自己,对于孙中山而言过于困难。以至于国共两党之间的纠纷,他总是扮演调停人的地位和角色。愈演愈烈的两党纠纷,最后发展为“弹劾共党案”。在孙中山权.威的震摄下,国共两党中的敌对情绪尚能受到约束,但当他去世后,两党关系走向破裂乃至全面对抗也就在所难免了。孙中山逝世后。随之而来的是国民党人在“容共”和“分共”政策问题上的进一步分化,伴随着戴季陶的转变与瘳仲恺案,西山会议和另立中央的重大事件的发生。  相似文献   

9.
孙中山的西北军事计划及其夭折   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
孙中山的西北军事计划及其夭折——国民党谋求苏俄军事援助的最初尝试杨奎松孙中山及其国民党早期与苏俄合作的大致经过,早已尽人皆知。其北伐革命之发动与最初的成功,曾得到苏俄相当助力,也是不争的事实。而北伐的实现,首先就在于有了广东这一至关重要的战略出发点。...  相似文献   

10.
《独立评论》时期,胡适一改1929~1930年间发生"人权之争"时全面批判孙中山政治思想的立言方式,转而全面、深入地阐释孙中山政治思想的积极意义,并努力将之揉入自由主义的价值体系内来审视。胡适对孙中山政治思想态度的转变,表层上是源于他期望弥合与国民党之间的关系,而更深层的原因则是他的民族主义激情对自由主义理想形成了强大的冲击。  相似文献   

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Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.  相似文献   

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14.
1938年.我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天.至今不知道.因此.六十多年过去了.我从来也没有过过生日。  相似文献   

15.
Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.  相似文献   

16.
This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.  相似文献   

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In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.  相似文献   

20.
"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.  相似文献   

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