The political geography of macro-level turnout in American political development

Aggregate turnout rates are among the central indicators of democratic performance in the American polity. Despite the considerable implications of macro turnout, however, most studies of turnout focus instead on the micro level. As a consequence, we know little about how local, political, and historical influences have impacted turnout over the course of American political development. The result is a somewhat impoverished conception of turnout that often removes the political from political participation. In this article, I argue for a new, macro-level perspective that highlights the political dimension of turnout by placing turnout in the local political settings in which it has taken place. I contrast two competing explanations of macro turnout variation across local electorates, a political account and Elazar's cultural thesis, and discuss their implications for the political geography of macro turnout in American electoral history. I then examine this political geography by employing a local indicator of spatial association (a LISA statistic) to identify the spatial structuring of macro turnout in the United States from 1828 through 2000. I demonstrate that a political perspective provides greater leverage than Elazar's cultural perspective in explaining the political geography of macro turnout in the United States.     

科学发展观和正确政绩观导向下的政绩考核体系构建

政缋考核体系是树立和落实科学发展观、树立和落实正确政缋规的制度平台,但是现行政缋考核体系仍存在较多问题。构建新的政缋考核体系应基于科学发展观和正确政绩观,以科学的指标体系保证考核导向机制的正确,以完善的制度保证考核规范化和理性化长效机制的发挥,以健全的运作保证民主评价机制的生成,以考核鲒果的有效运用保证激励机制和责任机制的实现。     

A Declaration of the Responsibilities of Present Generations Toward Past Generations

Historians study the living and the dead. If we can identify the rights of the living and their responsibilities to the dead, we may be able to formulate a solid ethical infrastructure for historians. A short and generally accepted answer to the question of what the rights of the living are can be found in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The central idea of human rights is that the living possess dignity and therefore deserve respect. In addition, the living believe that the dead also have dignity and thus deserve respect too. When human beings die, I argue, some human traces survive and mark the dead with symbolic value. The dead are less than human beings, but still reminiscent of them, and they are more than bodies or objects. This invites us to speak about the dead in a language of posthumous dignity and respect, and about the living, therefore, as having some definable core responsibilities to the dead. I argue further that these responsibilities are universal. In a Declaration of the Responsibilities of Present Generations toward Past Generations, then, I attempt to cover the whole area. I identify and comment on four body‐ and property‐related responsibilities (body, funeral, burial, and will), three personality‐related responsibilities (identity, image, and speech), one general responsibility (heritage), and two consequential rights (memory and history). I then discuss modalities of non‐compliance, identifying more than forty types of failures to fulfill responsibilities toward past generations. I conclude that the cardinal principle of any code of ethics for historians should be to respect the dignity of the living and the dead whom they study.     

Ethnicity,political development and modernization in Africa

Nelson Kasfir. The Shrinking Political Arena: Participation and Ethnicity in African Politics, with a Case Study of Uganda. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1976. xvi + 323 pp. Tables, bibliography, and index. $23.50.     

世界政党的当代发展趋势及其现实启示

政党自其产生起就始终处在一个不断发展变化的过程之中。当前,世界政党的发展出现了以下新的态势,即从传媒政党化走向政党传媒化;力求建设包容性政党,积极增强政党的包容性;国际与地区性联合使党际交流日益频繁。认真分析和研究当代世界政党发展的新特点,对于现阶段加强和改进我们党的建设具有重要的现实启示。     

Sectarian demography,territoriality and political development in Northern Ireland

"Here we discuss, firstly, the limits of Census-based empiricism [in Northern Ireland] and the usually unacknowledged problems of data and interpretation which have resulted in a seriously misleading ?conventional wisdom'. Secondly, we question its sectarian terms of reference, the over-identification of religion and politics, and misconceptions of ethnicity.... Thirdly, we focus on some of the flawed policy ?solutions' associated with empiricism and sectarianism, including ?internal' power-sharing and ?consociational' strategies for political development."     

国民公德与宪政框架——梁启超的政治文明整体发展观

由传统集权政体向现代立宪政体的转换,是梁启超一生的执着追求.梁氏认为,在这一历史性的转换过程中,宪政体制的建构、权力制约机制的确立固然十分重要,但起主导、能动作用的,始终是活生生的人.只有实现人的现代化与政体的现代化同步推进,双向互动,才能较好的实现预期目标,实现政治文明的整体和谐发展.这就是梁启超"政治文明整体发展观"给我们的主要启示.     

晚清政治思想超前发展述论

超前于社会经济的发展,是晚清政治思想的重要特点.鸦片战争以后,民族危机日见严重,传统的政治文化面对数千年来未有之变局无能为力,于是有识之士纷纷提出向西方(包括甲午后的日本)学习要求.相比较而言,政治思想的学习远比社会经济变革来得快.近代政治思想的超前发展带动了社会变革.但是,不是建立在中国近代社会发展的基础上的近代政治思想缺憾甚多,并给晚清社会的变革留下若干负面影响.     

近十年来我国多党合作和政治协商制度理论与实践的新发展

进入新世纪以来,中国共产党领导的多党合作与政治协商制度得到不断丰富和发展。认真梳理近十年来我国多党合作与政治协商制度的理论新建树,全面总结近十年来我国多党合作与政治协商制度的实践新探索及其基本经验,必将进一步推动中国特色政党制度的日益巩固和完善。     

Generations,Mobility and Community: Geographies of Three Generations of Greek and Italian Ancestry in Sydney

Geographies of three generations of Greek and Italian ancestry in Sydney totalling 245 000 people in 2001 are identified. A model of community sequences is developed within a conceptual framework of intergenerational spatial, occupational and social absorption. Considerable intra‐ and inter‐generational occupational mobility took place and the third generations showed higher proportions as managers, professionals and associate professionals than persons of Australian ancestry. Second and third generations had occupational profiles which were much closer to the host society than the first generations. Despite occupational mobility, employment, residential and social trends associated with the first generations affected the adult second generations and to an extent the third. Several thousand members of three generations re‐grouped into successive local communities, patronised facilities in core communities, and maintained place identities.     

解放战争时期胡适的政治思想与政治主张

胡适认为世界文化的主流和方向是争民主、争自由,自由主义是可以促进社会文明进步的理论,国民党已经开始向民主政治靠拢;他大力宣传自由主义,在国共斗争中支持国民党,反对共产党的政治理论和政权制度.     

Trade politics in the American Congress:: a study of the interaction of political geography and interest group behavior

Political geography plays an important role in influencing how industries build coalitions to secure desired trade benefits in American politics. The political geography of an industry is defined as the intersection of its economic geography, i.e. the location of its means of production, and the institutional structure of the political system in which it operates. In the case of the United States, trade-sensitive industries lobby the bicameral Congress and the executive branch for beneficial trade policies, and their geographic location strongly influences the strategies they adopt. Industries concentrated across heavily populated states will be more powerful in the House of Representatives than in the Senate. They will therefore ground their efforts in the House and form coalitions with industries that are powerful in the Senate. Industries that are concentrated across less populated states will be stronger in the Senate and will seek to form coalition partners that are strong in the House. A theory of political geography is used to explain the behavior of import/export sensitive industries in the 1980s and 1990s. The findings suggest that these industries choose coalition partners who bolster their political weakness in the House or Senate by extending, rather than replicating, their geographic base of support.     

中国国民党早期军队政工制度的演变:1924-1928

在孙中山的“党治”理念及苏联“党军”体制影响下,中国国民党于1924年改组后积极倡行“党在国上”、“党在军上”的政治制度,在黄埔军校教导团时代,即仿效苏联红军实施以党代表为中心、以政治部为具体实践单位、辅以自上而下建立党部的三位一体的政工制度。1925年7月改编为国民革命军后,这一体制在黄埔军校生为主体的军队内基本保留。因国共间的猜忌,国民革命军政工制度随着“清党”运动而产生重大变异,党代表制废除,政治训练部地位下降,军队党部更是形同虚设。试图控制军队的国民党,却被以蒋介石为首的军人反控,形成了事实上的“以军干政”、“军强党弱”现象,成为此后影响民国政治走向的一大因素。     

Religion and political principle: New studies on the political theory of the english revolution

William Lamont, Richard Baxter & the Millenium, Croom Helm, London, 1979.

James Tully, A Discourse on Property: John Locke & His Adversaries Cambridge University Press, 1980.

C.C. Weston & J.R. Greenberg, Subjects and Citizens: The Grand Controversy Over Legal Sovereignty in Stuart England, Cambridge University Press, 1981.

George Yule, Puritans in Politics: The Religious Legislation of The Long Parliament, Sutton Courtney, Oxford, 1982.     

Producing North and South: a political geography of hydro development in Québec

Since the 1970s, the tapping of James Bay's hydroelectric potential has been synonymous with the tapping of divergent national imaginaries for native and non-native people in Québec. Exploitation of natural resources in the region has activated different narratives of political identity for each community. I explore this evolving political context by examining how, for each group, water has emerged simultaneously as a physical entity possessing economic value and a social artefact supporting the consolidation of national boundaries. I do so by analysing three phases of changing relationships around resource management, namely: hydroelectric development on the La Grande river in the 1970s; the Cree opposition to Great Whale in the 1990s; and the recent agreement concerning a new relationship between the two parties. In each of these phases, nature has been both the symbolic and material tie that binds different national identities and materialises their boundaries. While these are not boundaries in the traditional geopolitical understanding of the term, the forging of an equitable framework of development in the region depends on the recognition of nature as a historical and political formation that answers to different sets of national preoccupations.