秦皇岛开发区 打赢蓝天保卫战

<正>环境就是民生,青山就是美丽,蓝天也是幸福。发展经济是为了民生,保护生态环境同样也是为了民生。坚决打赢蓝天保卫战是重中之重。这既是国内民众的迫切期盼,也是我们就办好北京冬奥会向国际社会作出的承诺。要以京津冀及周边、长三角、汾渭平原等为主战场,以北京为重点,以空气质量明显改善为刚性要求,强化联防联控,基本消除重污染天气,还老百姓蓝天白云、繁星闪烁。     

Notes from a French perspective

This article uses John Kingdon's “multiple streams” model of the policy process to explore the role of French public intellectuals in processes of cultural and educational policy formation. The relative autonomy attributed by Kingdon to the “primeval soup” of ideas constituted by the policy stream (as distinct from the “problems” and “politics” streams posited by his model) provides the basis for this exploration. However, Kingdon's model is not developed with any reference to France, public intellectuals or cultural policy. The corresponding adjustments required are themselves enlightening. Public intellectuals must thus be distinguished from policy experts. They are characterised by their public visibility, the broad frame of reference that they bring to bear on the issues of the moment, certain limitations in technical expertise, and a capacity not simply to work through policy alternatives, but also to project their own counter‐agendas. These issues are explored particularly in relation to a selection of policy reports produced by public intellectuals.     

Notes Toward a Dissident Theo-Politics

The following essay asks what theo-political grammar might effectively address the growing crisis of democracy in North America. Previous responses to this made by political theology and liberation theology are still rooted in a dialectical mode of analysis, thereby concealing the discursive limitations that constrain possibilities for material progress. As a response, I posit a Dissident Theo-Politics that borrows from post-structuralist thought. This Dissident Theo-Politics recognizes Whiteness to be the central source of meaning in the USA, thus its most important symbol and apex of its theology, that is, a god. Theology considered in this way invites new discursive options that produce different yet non-oppositional ways of engaging the complicated crises in American democracy. The constructive strategy I put forward is a radical democratic friendship based on love (philia) extended disproportionality between those who are perceived as social unequals. Using both Derrida and Ella Baker I argue for radical democratic friendship as a source to inspire insurgent energies to provisionally re-set US socio-political conditions.     

"社教"运动再析

20世纪 60年代的社会主义教育运动 ,是中共八届十中全会关于阶级斗争的理论在一定范围的实践 ,是党在探索建设社会主义道路过程中的一次波折。“前十条”、“后十条”及其修正案以及“二十三条”是指导运动开展的重要文件。由于在阶级斗争扩大化的“左”倾理论指导下 ,把不同性质的问题都当做阶级斗争或阶级斗争在党内的反映 ,使不少基层干部受到不应有的打击 ,也在一定程度上分散了全党搞经济建设的注意力 ,但总体上看 ,社教运动的错误还属于局部性质     

The Claudian Invasion Campaign Reconsidered

This paper attempts to build on Hind's hypothesis (1989) that the Roman invasion of AD 43 took place in Sussex, by examining the implications for the conquest campaign. It is suggested that the usual tactics of the Roman army and the size of the invading army are not consistent with the standard invasion campaign theory, in particular the events leading up to the so-called battle of the Medway. Other aspects of the evidence available to us are also inconsistent with the standard theory but can be explained in terms of a Sussex landing. The result is to offer further support for Hind's hypothesis.     

Iraq: The Military Campaign

This article draws together early military implications of a campaign where intensive operations lasted barely a month. The deeper insights will need much more time for the post operations reports to be written, detailed battle assessments to be made, and the key decision-makers to record their thinking. As far as is possible, the article deals with the purely military aspects of the campaign. The promise of a decade of development of high technology air power was expected by some to show a new way of fighting wars. The evidence from the campaign appears to give a more mixed message. Certainly, a higher proportion of air weapons was guided in this conflict than in any previous war. Strategic intelligence appears to have been less accurate than had been expected. The unexpected initial resistance by Iraqi forces, followed by later capitulation, required flexible coalition operations. The spectre of the use of chemical and biological weapons proved unfounded. The effectiveness of special operations will be one area for deeper study. The media strategy will need reviewing for future operations. At this stage, the article does no more than record the sequence of events, make broad judgements about the strategic and tactical approaches of both the Coalition and Iraqi forces, and highlights areas where further investigation may be useful to draw firmer conclusions.     

湖南会战:中国军队对日军"一号作战"的回应

湖南会战是1944年“一号作战”中交战时间最长、国民政府军队抵抗最为顽强的一次战役。以湖南会战为个案,具体而微地剖析国民党军的战略决策机制、情报信息系统、官兵素质、后勤补给、兵役军纪以及民众动员等情形,也许有助于从军事史的层面加深或纠正我们对抗战正面战场的既有认知。     

国共第三次“围剿”与反“围剿”探微

1931年国共在中央苏区展开的第三次“围剿”与反“围剿”,开场和结局都颇具戏剧性,整个“围剿”、反“围剿”进程,直接受制于国内外形势的变化。在国共两大主角的角力过程中,宁粤冲突和九一八事变,某种程度上成为国共武力斗争的搅局者。事实上,1930年代前后,国共之间的许多故事,都可以看到如是因素的介入,国共两大力量之外的“第三者”,为历史的走向增添了更多的变数。     

Notes on a Fifteenth Century Spoon

This paper results from a routine inspection by the authors during the course of English Heritage's Monuments Protection Programme (cf. e.g. Wainwright 1993, 25–31 Discoveries of new information and new interpretations of known sites are frequent outcomes of MPP research, and consideration is currently being given to publicising such discoveries systematically. The discovery of the church at Taplow, however, is perhaps one of the more significant recent finds and, as such, merits more immediate public discussion.     

The Campaign for a Free Parliament, 1659–60

The clamour for ‘a free parliament’ in the winter of 1659–60, the most widely articulated public demand since the outbreak of civil war, has not received attention proportionate to its significance. Here the contours and chronology of the movement are reconstructed. Its goal was the summoning of an assembly which, through the restoration of parliamentary representation and the emancipation of the electorate from voting restrictions and military interference, would possess the authority to speak for the nation and secure a national settlement. The outcome was that essential instrument in the peaceful return of the monarchy, the Convention. The term ‘a free parliament’ was a slogan, used for a variety of political ends. Yet it was a unifying phrase which allowed the two parties opposed to the republic, the royalists (who had been denied parliamentary representation in 1642) and the presbyterians (who had been forcibly removed from parliament in 1648) to suspend their differences. The movement also connected national politicians of both parties to intense grievances in the regions. Local sentiment was voiced in a cascade of manifestos, published in the names of counties and towns, which illustrate the hold of parliament on public feeling.     

From a CCTV Documentary Director to an ENTREPRENEUR OF TIBETAN BOUTIQUE HOTELS

正Some media have rated the Songtsen Linka as the best boutique hotel chain in China.Padma Dorje,who was born in Shangrila,Yunnan,is the founder of the Tibetan hotel series.Due to High Appreciation for CCTV Twenty years ago,Padma Dorje made documentary films and was     

河北农业合作化运动述评

本文分两个阶段考察了河北农业合作化运动的发展过程 ,论述了各阶段的特点及其原因 ,在指出工作中存在的缺点和错误的同时 ,充分肯定了河北省农业合作化运动的成就。文中还对河北省一批受到毛泽东赞扬的闻名全国的办社典型作了分析 ,指出它们不仅对河北省而且对全国的农业合作化运动都产生了重大的积极影响。