Liberating archaeology, liberation archaeologies, and WAC

WAC ha desafiado la noción constante que la arqueología es objetiva y apolítica. Esta noción ha alienado a los indígenas porque tiende a deshumanizar tanto a ellos como a sus antecesores. WAC reconoció que la arqueología existe en un contexto político, que debe ser considerado en cualquier construcción y uso del pasado. WAC estructuró una organización que dió una voz a aquellos cuyo pasado había sido excavado, interpretado, y adue?uado por otros. WAC también defendió la colaboración directa entre los indígenas y otros desciendientes de las comunidades. En esencia, WAC apoyó la liberación de la arqueología practicada como un colonialismo científico, una historia que este artículo relata brevemente. Todavia hay trabajo que hacer. Los arqueólogos necesitan producir epistemologías de colaboración y lo que significan para nuestro conocimiento de los pasados, que han sido creados en este proceso. Una tarea más difícil es estar seguros que los arqueólogos y las comunidades con las cuales ellos trabajan entiendan cuan importante la arqueología puede ser para construir una comunidad y mantener su identidad cultural.

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Résumé Plus que tout, le CMA a défié l'insistance de l'archéologie processualiste qui affirmait que l'archéologie était objective et apolitique, excluant ainsi les autochtones car cette attitude les déshumanisaient ainsi que leurs ancêtres. Le CMA a amené en avant une reconnaissance que l'archéologie existe dans un contexte politique qui doit être considéré dans toute construction et utilisation du passé. Le CMA a structuré une organisation qui donne la parole à ceux dont le passé a été largement déterré, interprété et possédé par d'autres. Le CMA préconise aussi la collaboration directe avec les autochtones et les autres communautés de descendants. Dans son essence, le CMA a cherché à libérer l'archéologie de sa pratique scientifique colonisaliste, une histoire que cet article rappelle brièvement. Beaucoup de travail doit encore être accomplie. Les archéologues doivent minutieusement travailler sur l'épistémologie de la collaboration et sur ce qu'ils entendent par notre compréhension du passé qui est con?ue durant le procédé. Une tache plus difficile est de s'assurer que les archéologues et les communautés avec qui ils travaillent, comprennent à quel point l'archéologie est important dans la construction de la communauté et le maintien de l'identité culturelle.

     

Toward an anthropology of women's liberation

Ruby Rohrlich‐Leavitt, ed. Women Cross‐Culturally: Change and Challenge. The Hague and London: Mouton Publishers. A volume in the World Anthropology Series, Sol Tax, general editor. Distributed in North America by Aldine Publishing Co., 1975. xiv + 669 pp. Tables, figures, biographical notes, and indexes. $27.50.     

Toronto's gay village (1969–1982): plotting the politics of gay identity

Between the late 1960s and the early 1980s, a loose association of gay social spaces consolidated into what is now known as the 'gay village' in the Church and Wellesley street areas in downtown Toronto. Scholars argue that, while these residential and commercial districts evolved prior to the formation of organized gay political organizations, they suggest that the emergence of these districts as political and commercial districts was a direct result of deliberate local gay activism. I argue here that contrary to this literature and for much of its history, the gay movement was largely opposed to the existence of specifically gay-identified spaces, particularly those operated by both heterosexual and homosexual businesspersons. Toronto's gay activists, using different ideological frameworks, struggled to constitute a homosexual identity that stood mainly in opposition to the so-called 'ghetto gay' and to construct alternative spaces that were seen as more appropriate to the formation of a properly politicized homosexual identity. Nevertheless, by the early 1980s, as the gay village continued to thrive and as the players in gay movement politics changed, the gay ghetto became the gay village and was celebrated as a location of political strength and social necessity. This article explores that material and symbolic transformation.     

Liberty,bondage and liberation in the Late Bronze Age*

ABSTRACT

Free versus unfree was a fundamental axis of differentiation in ancient Near Eastern societies. Liberty was conceptualized as the power to govern oneself, free from another's domination, thus free to participate in constituting political authority. More concretely, the subject of the state was by definition free, this being the condition of obliging him for duty. Thus the relation between people and polity was predicated on liberty, not servitude as commonly supposed of an area still shackled to the Western ideology of Oriental despotism. I argue that liberty was an operative principle in the organization of ancient Near Eastern polities, basing the case on sources from the Late Bronze Age. The first section sets forth general propositions, and the second puts them in ancient Near Eastern terms. The third and fourth sections examine documents from Ugarit and Emar, two polities under Hittite suzerainty, that illustrate how these principles operated in the lives of individuals. The fifth section examines how they were articulated at the scale of communities, through the lens of the poet(s) who composed the Hurro-Hittite ‘Song of Liberation'. The conclusion draws together the ideas of liberty, bondage and liberation these sources disclose, ideas that remained productive in later ages.     

Ethnonationalism and attitudes towards gay and lesbian rights in Northern Ireland

Disputes over gay and lesbian rights occupy a central place on both national and international agendas in recent years. This is also the case in societies emerging from chronic ethnonational conflict where debates over gay and lesbian rights vs. ethnic‐based rights predominate. While much scholarly work focuses on the influence of socio‐demographic factors in determining attitudes toward gay and lesbian rights in postconflict societies, to date, the role of political influences, such as ethnonationalism, is noticeably under‐researched. It is with this omission in mind that this paper focuses on the influence of ethnonationalism, or congruency in religious, national and communal identity, on attitudes towards gay and lesbian rights issues. Using nationally representative data from Northern Ireland, the results suggest that while ethnonationalism is a key predictor of attitudes among Protestants, it is socio‐demographic factors, such as gender, age and educational attainment, that are the primary determinants of Catholic views.     

Active citizenship and the governmentality of local lesbian and gay politics

This paper explores the relationship between new forms of speakability and continuing unthinkability in the context of British local government lesbian and gay work, particularly post-1997. The paper argues new municipal speech acts ushered in progressive modes of sexual citizenship; at the same time, local government's refusal to think hard, deeply or critically, limited the modes of active citizenship made possible. The paper addresses the easing out of active citizenship through an analysis of local government's self-care and its intensification of firewalls – firewalls which restricted the possibility of certain non-state forces guiding from ‘a distance’.     

Confraternal religion: from liberation theology to political reversal

Heterodox mystics and heretics of any kind can be sometimes dangerous and other times reliable depending upon political situations, as was the case with Bektashis in Ottoman Anatolia or in early independent Albania. The historical anthropology perspective taken in this article appears helpful in revealing that Bektashism is probably the mystical order of Islam that best exemplifies a transformational pattern from a theological and ideological, as well as cultural, social and political, point of view. The system of beliefs and practices related to Bektashism seems to correspond to a kind of liberation theology, whereas the structure of Bektashi groups corresponds more or less to the type of religious organization conventionally known as “charismatic groups”. It becomes understandable, therefore, that their spiritual tendency can meet social, cultural and national perspectives. In turn, when the members of the previously persecuted religious minority have already acquired a degree of religious and political respectability within society at large, the doctrines of heterodoxy and liberation theology fade into the background. In the end, the heirs of the heterodox promoters of spiritual reform and social movement turn into followers and faithful defenders of a legitimate authority. They become the spokespeople for an institutionalized orthodoxy whose support will be sought by the political regime.     

解放战争时期胡适的政治思想与政治主张

胡适认为世界文化的主流和方向是争民主、争自由,自由主义是可以促进社会文明进步的理论,国民党已经开始向民主政治靠拢;他大力宣传自由主义,在国共斗争中支持国民党,反对共产党的政治理论和政权制度.     

Sexual citizenship, political obligation and disease ecology in gay Seattle

While rights and freedoms of sexual citizenship have been foregrounded in geography, vaguer attention has been given to questions of political obligation. Feminist work on political obligation, grounded with a framing in political ecology of disease, however, provides a means to correct this neglect. Empirically, I narrate a story of local public health politics in Seattle, WA. There, a cultural panic played out in the media over the alleged failure of political obligations by gay men around sexually transmitted infections. Political obligation and ecology usefully extend the concept sexual citizenship on its own terms by moving beyond a rights-versus-obligation polarity, highlighting the biophysical realities of sex, recognizing the spaces in which sex occurs, and noting the social relations inherent in sex and sexuality. Thus, this paper contributes to deeper thinking for activists involved in working through these questions as well as bolstering the notion of sexual citizenship in political geography.     

Homeboys: uses of home by gay Australian men

In this article, I explore connections between space, the body and the nation by analyzing state-introduced leisure activities in a village in Indonesia. While leisure activities are voluntary and are more enjoyable than more formal nation-building activities, I investigate how they are politicized and intimately tied to the state's nation-building agenda. Focusing on national programs of volleyball, takro (an indigenous game played with a rattan ball), and Gerak Jalan (marching competitions), I examine how the state's national ideology has been translated into recreational programs that attempt to ‘improve’ the bodies of citizens and to inculcate national ideology in the citizenry. Through the creation of various recreational landscapes and programs, citizens are encouraged to spend their free time in particular pursuits that serve national goals. Finally, I discuss how the leisure activities introduced by the state are, despite hegemonic intentions, unevenly practiced and examine how citizens resist, ignore and renegotiate the intended meaning of the activities.     

Structural power, agency and national liberation: the case of East Timor

The struggle for independence in East Timor, which came to fruition in 1999, illustrates both that agency can be exercised in ways that change social structures and that changing structural relations are necessary for the effective exercise of agency. This paper presents a basic Marxist theoretical framework for analysing structural power, contrasting this with the understanding of structure developed by structurationists. It then examines the Timorese independence struggle at two crucial turning points, showing how differing structural contexts enabled different outcomes at those turning points.     

Remapping disclosure: gay men's segmented journeys of moving out and coming out

Drawing on recent work that examines the contingent, personal nature of queer migration, this paper provides empirical support for recent claims that coming-out journeys are more complex than the linear, often rural-to-urban typologies that have framed them during the past two decades. Since coming-out journeys are rarely elaborated beyond a conceptual level, overly teleological understandings involving homophobic, rural places, inclusive urban homelands, and one-time, linear ‘flights’ and ‘escapes’ persist. Employing the migration narratives of 48 self-identified gay men who settled in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada, and Washington, DC, USA, this paper challenges the linearity and finality of coming-out migration by highlighting particular segments of the journey. These include short-term trips to scout the gay life potentials of places, migrations that result in a degree of re-entry into ‘the closet,’ relocations that allow men to test or try on different places and identities, and moves (or imminent moves) that ‘trigger’—rather than stem from—a coming-out process. Taken together, these segments suggest that coming-out journeys are ongoing, relational, and often discontinuous journeys influenced by both queer individuals' intersectional subjectivities (e.g., age, race, and class) and the social contexts of the places they encounter.