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Despite a few pioneering studies into transhumant raising in the kingdom of Castile much work in this field has yet to be done. We are acquainted with its general organisation but more rarely with its local manifestations. On the whole we know of the revenues it yielded to the Crown but less of those it delivered to the lords. It was during a lawsuit brought by the Mesta at the end of the fifteenth century against the lord of Capilla, whom it accused of imposing illegal taxes upon the migration of the winter herds across the Capilla bridge on their way to the Extranadura of the south, that a rich documentation was collected by the incriminated party. This documentation holds a twofold interest for us: first it informs us about the region of origin of the animals which followed this migration, the number of herds involved, their composition and their owners and shepherds; second it gives us knowledge of the revenues which a lord could extract from the collection of taxes imposed on the migration, or transhumance, itself.  相似文献   

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Cardinal Patrick Moran, the Catholic Archbishop of Sydney 1884–1911, believed that Australian Catholicism would flourish with the emergence of the new nation through Federation in 1901, provided that Australians turned away from foreign influences, including anarchism and nihilism. Moran also sought to use Australia to "Christianise" the enormous population of China, and believed that Chinese immigration could make a useful contribution to nation building. As the nineteenth century closed, Moran's aims were also complicated by the more insidious threats represented by a challenge to religious faith by fin de siècle ideas — a modernism manifesting as both a general challenge and a specific doctrinal relativism that might erode the Church's authority, and the threat Moran felt was posed to the development of the liberal Australian state and the Catholic Church by radical political alternatives. Concern that a mood of religious apostasy and secularisation might spread to the Catholic community also influenced Moran's support for the fledgling Australian Labor Party, which Moran believed could develop as an instrument to reinforce a moral and inclusive sense of Australian identity for the Catholic working class. Like his pro-Chinese views, Moran's advocacy of "the rights and duties of labour" was defined by an imagined alliance of evangelism and nation building, stimulated by the fear, as he expressed in 1891, of "an unchristianized world."  相似文献   

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This article looks at depictions of non‐Egyptian women in the Egyptian women's press during the Nasser period, from 1952–1967. A regular and recurring feature of the Egyptian women's press during the 1950s and 1960s, representations of foreign women were products of both global and local struggles. Enabled by a world order increasingly transformed by the political voices of colonial and post‐colonial subjects, such representations were also bound up in Egyptian debates about gender subjectivities, the consequences of state and nation building, and the boundaries of national identity. While they can be read as contributing to the creation of what Chandra Mohanty has called ‘an imagined community of third world oppositional struggles’, they also suggest much about how the liberating, emancipatory possibilities of post‐colonial/anti‐imperialist projects limit their own possibility for realisation.  相似文献   

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This article examines the role of gender in depictions of national identity in early modern English travel literature. I show that human sexual relationships were believed to be echoed in relations between territories, which were often represented as masculine or feminine. Travellers used metaphors representing marriage, seduction and rape to describe geopolitical relationships, including colonialism, tribute payments and rebellion. Representations of Ireland and the Irish, and the Ottoman Empire and the Turks are among the most revealing. I argue that such metaphors were especially favoured by travel writers because gender was believed to be inherently mutable, thus providing a variety of easily understood and mutually accepted narratives to describe international political relationships.  相似文献   

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华夏民族与国家的演进和互动走着一条与西方不同的发展道路,由此形成古代中国民族认同与国家认同的同一性传统及民族意识中的民族与国家认同相一致的深层价值结构,同时也导致古代中国独特的政治地缘与民族地缘的特征。它使中国在国家与民族认同上呈现重要特点:即族别上的兼容性、民族统一与国家安全的一致性、文化的开放性。近代以降,传统家天下的国家与民族意识受到严峻挑战,其认同观念面临断裂和重新阐释、再塑的问题。以孙中山为代表的近代仁人志士积极探索民族国家的重建途径,创造性地提出政治革命与民族革命相统一的思想,并以此为核心构建近代中华民族国家中民族认同与国家认同新的一致性。  相似文献   

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