抗战胜利前后中间党派对民主的诠释：以经济民主为中心

加世纪40年代,中间党派及自由知识分子为反对国民党垄断国家资源的一党专政体制,提出了融政治民主、经济民主、教育民主、国际民主于一炉的社会民主主义理论。这种民主观试图扩大民主的范围,其目标是社会方方面面皆民主化,以保障人权和实现社会正义,体现了超时代的理想主义色彩。中间党派对社会民主主义的颂扬,具有反抗国民党专制统治的进步意义,是近代中国民主宪政运动史留给后人的一笔精神财富。     

抗战时期中间势力的宪政思潮

从1939年至1945年,中国共产党与中间势力掀起了两次声势浩大的民主宪政运动,有力地反击了国民党的专制独裁统治。在宪政运动中,中间势力发挥了十分重要的作用,尤其在国统区,各中间党派与中共并肩作战,成为反对国民党一党独裁、推进宪政运动的中坚力量。对这一时期中间势力的宪政思潮进行系统研究无疑具有十分重要的学术价值和现实的借鉴意义。     

抗战烽火中的《时代批评》与人权运动

1941年,抗战进行到紧要关头,《时代批评》(半月刊)同人以笔为武器,在香港一隅发起了一场社会各界广泛参与的人权运动.各界人士在人权运动中积极探讨关于人权的基本理论问题,激烈控诉国民政府摧残人权的“滔天罪行”,以期恢复全民拥护抗战、参加抗战的爱国权.此次人权运动,兼重理论与行动,在性质上是民族民主革命运动中的一环,在政治倾向上属于中间偏左,具有持续时间长、影响大、范围广、时代感强的特点.     

英国流亡者与美国建国初期的党争

18世纪末,一批英国激进分子流亡到美国,在美国激烈的党派斗争和政治文化分歧中扮演了重要角色。1798年,在英国“反雅各宾主义”影响下,美国联邦党主导的政府制定了《惩治煽动叛乱法》,严厉打击反对政府的言论,防止共和党和“雅各宾派”颠覆政府。英国流亡者以英国政治为参照,抨击法令,谴责联邦党效仿英国体制,在美国建立贵族统治,剥夺公民自由权利。流亡者反对联邦党人的政治修辞广泛传播,形成强大公共意见,最终促使法令失效。流亡者的介入使美国建国初期的党派斗争与大西洋世界的政治变动息息相关,呈现鲜明的跨国性。     

大正民主与新闻舆论

大正民主,亦称大正德谟克拉西,它是对资本主义走向成熟的大正时代,资产阶级民主派要求建立政党政治和实现普选,反对专制主义统治和扩军备战的军国主义统治的社会民主主义运动和思潮的总称。值得注意的是,无论是在斗争中号召新中间阶层为主导,广大工农民众为主体的广...     

三十年代的冤狱赔偿运动浅论

三十年代的冤狱赔偿运动浅论徐思彦１９２７年国民党上台以后,在全国建立一党专制的独裁统治,剥夺、践踏人权。广大人民群众不仅没有民主自由权利,甚至连起码的人身安全都得不到保障。国民党的法西斯统治引起了全国各阶层人民的普遍不满,争民主、争人权的斗争日趋高涨...     

六参政员访问延安再研究

１９４５年７月初,褚辅成、黄炎培、冷、傅斯年、左舜生、章伯钧六参政员对延安的访问,不仅是中间党派与中共最高领导集体之间的第一次正式接触,也是中间党派在抗战期间为调解国共矛盾进行的一次最重要努力。由于这次访问达成的《会谈纪要》体现了第三方面与中共在政...     

论抗战时期中间党派政治态度的转变

中间党派的概念,既从属于“中间派”、“中间集团”或“中间势力”,又不完全等同。在抗战时期,它是介于国共两党之间,代表中国民族资产阶级利益和上层小资产阶级利益的一定政治组织的总称。他们要求“民主”、“抗日”,对国内政治局势和抗战形势的发展有着很大的影响。本文就该时期中间党派对国民党蒋介石政治态度的转变作一论述,敬请批评。     

中国共产党与中国民主政团同盟的建立

1941年中国民主政团同盟的建立是抗日战争中中间党派组织活动由分散走向政治结合的一个重要标志。而在当时,面对错综复杂的民族斗争和阶级斗争,中间党派为民主抗战而进行的政治结合,能够通过中国民主政团同盟的建立而取得长足地进步,是与中国共产党多方面地关心、支持和帮助分不开的。     

皖南事变时期的中间党派--关于中间势力的研究

中间党派是中间势力的代表力量,它的政治选择曾对中国现代社会产生过深刻影响。皖南事变前夕与事变爆发初期,中间党派基于团结抗战的民族利益,旗帜鲜明地表示了反对态度,从而加强了中共的政治主动权。但是在善后阶段,中间党派同样出于维护团结统一的愿望,力图在国共之间寻找一条双方可以接受的折衷途径,却由于中共的不妥协态度而劳而无功。于是,他们的中间立场虽未改变,对中共的做法则产生了失望情绪。这种情绪在参政会上蔓延,并影响到当时的一般舆论,从而一定程度上给中共在大后方的形象带来损害。鉴于中间势力对社会的这一客观影响,也考虑到国际形势的种种变化,这年11月中旬中共在最低条件仍未被国民党接受的情况下．还是出席了二届二次参政会。这一事实,证明在两头小中间大的中国社会里,“如果不能争取中间阶级的群众,并按其情况使之各得其所,是不能解决中国问题的”。因此,无论中间党派如何动摇,理解其立场,尊重其愿望,照顾其利益,都是现实政治所必须认真对待的。     

National subjects and subversive subjectivity: Deportation and the paradox of the anarchist citizen in the era of the First Red Scare

According to the Westphalian system of international law, all people are meant to be citizens or subjects of territorially bounded and sovereign nation-states, which in turn guarantee certain rights to, and impose certain duties upon, their members. Anarchism, by contrast, is predicated upon a rejection of the legitimacy of state sovereignty, and a refutation of the justness and practicability of representative government. Anarchists took individual and collective “self-determination” to their logical extremes—and in the process confounded state legal regimes and bureaucracies that understood national belonging and individual rights only in terms of citizenship. From the perspective of the United States, alien anarchists “belonged” back in their countries of origin, but from those European states' perspective, anarchists had no place in their national communities. This article examines how both radicals and governments in the era of America's “First Red Scare” engaged with the rules governing the interstate system. As individual radicals, government functionaries, and international diplomats wrestled to define where anarchists belonged in the international order of nation-states, the solutions they found simultaneously reinforced the boundaries of the Westphalian system and revealed contradictions and fissures within it.     

Archaeology,common rights and the origins of Anglo‐Saxon identity

It is generally accepted that rights over land, especially rights of pasture, played a formative role in establishing the identity of early Anglo‐Saxon ‘folk groups’, the predecessors of the middle Anglo‐Saxon kingdoms. This speculative paper sets early medieval and medieval common rights in the context of the archaeological longue durée of the period before 400 ad . It argues that ancient traditions of common governance, integral to Anglo‐Saxon identity, might have offered an attractive legitimacy to middle Anglo‐Saxon kingdom‐builders. While not seeking to establish any answers, the paper hopes to contribute to a wider research agenda.     

美国社会组织与联合国人权规范的起源

二战爆发后,美国社会组织在对战争与和平问题的研究中提出依靠国际组织保障人权的规范构想。美国政府则并未重视人权议题,人权在敦巴顿橡树园会议上只处于边缘地位。社会组织在此后掀起大规模的游说活动,要求提高人权议题的地位,这使得美国政府考虑融合社会组织的人权规范构想与主权规范原则。旧金山会议上,美国说服其他大国接受其人权立场,极力否决拉美国家的人权提案,体现出美国借人权话语行使霸权的实质意图。最终出台的《联合国宪章》多处涉及人权,奠定了此后联合国人权规范的基础。但是,社会组织与美国政府围绕人权的争论凸显了宪章人权条款的复杂特征,这使得美国在此后联合国人权规范的发展中面临更多的挑战。     

Intellectual property and the licensing of Canadian government geospatial data: an examination of GeoConnections' recommendations for best practices and template licences

In Canada, Crown copyright permits government to assert control over its works. These Crown rights have often been justified on the basis that government must assert intellectual property rights so as to be better able to control the accuracy, integrity and quality of any information that reaches the public through Crown works. In this article, the authors examine GeoConnections' template agreements for the licensing of government geographic data. They argue that not only is the basis and scope of claims to intellectual property rights uncertain, the objectives of quality control, data integrity and accuracy do not appear to motivate the licence terms. The uncertainty as to the legal basis of the intellectual property claims is significant, as licences of this kind may give support to otherwise weak downstream claims by third parties to copyright in data products generated through the use of geographic data provided by the Crown.     

The nationalisation of the human rights debate in Egypt

ABSTRACT. The study of nationalism in Egypt has often focused on Arab nationalism and its relevance to the post‐colonial state building process. The current article shifts the focus to the Egyptian state's strategic use of nationalism as a mechanism for survival and for shoring up its failing legitimacy. In particular, the case of the human rights debate is chosen to show the regime's most recent attempt to ‘nationalise’ a rising movement which promotes universalism and poses a threat to the notion of the nation's homogeneity. By misrepresenting human rights organisations as mouthpieces of Western imperialist powers, the regime has managed to create an image of these organisations as posing a threat to Egypt's national security and undermining its international ‘reputation’. More recently, however, the state has refined its discourse on human rights by promoting an image whereby it is the ‘official agent’ of a more nationalistically defined human rights movement.     

Geographic and Historical Observations on the Future of a Federal Russia

A paper assessing prospects for the future of federalism in Russia investigates geographic and other factors that historically have either promoted or inhibited the unity of the Russian state. Among the major factors complicating the process of forging a new federal relationship among Russia's central government, republics, and oblast-level units, the paper focuses on the question of the Russian state's legitimacy, the only partial character of democratization, limited experience with constitutional federalism, and contradictions between individual and ethnic rights. 2 tables, 19 references.     

Bounded political contestation: the domestic translation of international health and housing rights in Australia

Political contestation within liberal democratic states is an important, albeit limited, guide in defining how these states domestically implement their international human rights obligations. While often ritualistically endorsing human rights standards, political actors allow themselves a limited policy space with their domestic political contest circumscribed by more pervasive influences, often at odds with the state's international commitments. This article examines recent health and housing policy initiatives by Australia's two major political parties and assesses them against its international commitments. Applying a social constructivist approach, this article argues that the dominant neoliberal political discourse and the state's institutional structure set contextual boundaries to the parties’ policy contestation and reveal the limited influence of domestic political contestation in determining Australia's rights implementation.     

Australian and People's Republic of China government conceptions of the international order

Through qualitative comparative analysis of policy documents and official statements over the last 10 years (2008–2018), this paper examines Australian and PRC government conceptions of the international order and the associated policy implications. Their understandings of the international order are informed by their self-defined national role conceptions and perceptions of other states, and are manifested in discussions of institutional reform, international law and human rights. Australia's self-conception as a middle power informs its emphasis on maintenance and US leadership of the existing order, while the PRC's self-conceptions as both a developing and established power enable it to frame itself as either an upholder or reformer of the order. Both governments highlight the ‘rules-based’ mechanisms of the WTO, and are more likely to agree on trade and economic issues than on other matters. Their responses to the 2016 South China Sea arbitration tribunal decision and discussions of the role of human rights in the international order suggest less agreement is likely on international law and human rights norms. While Australia considers the PRC a potential challenger to the existing order, Australia does not feature in PRC discussions of international order, suggesting its limited ability to affect PRC foreign policy decisions.     

清末民初中日两国的朝鲜族教育政策之一侧面--以"间岛"垦民教育会的教育活动为中心

存在于1910-1914年的朝鲜族自治组织——“间岛”垦民教育会（垦教会）,在延边地区获得了沟通中国官府与朝鲜族的中介地位,并取得了参与设立官立朝鲜族学校、自己设立学校以及管理私立学校之权限。于是,垦教会在扩大朝鲜族教育机会的基础上,实施爱国（朝鲜）教育,进而促进中国的朝鲜民族同一性的形成。然而,清末民初,正是中国民族国家开始铸造之时,民族主义需要的国家权力必须是没有竞争的权力。在此情况下,垦教会与延吉府之间的冲突随之而起,垦教会被解散。本文考察了垦教会如何对应中国的朝鲜族教育政策的同时,解明了该会如何利用中日两国的矛盾,对朝鲜族实施民族教育问题。     

Rebuilding Indigenous nations through constitutional development: a case study of the Métis in Canada

For the Métis Nation in Canada, self‐government remains the ‘essence of the struggle’ for which their political leader, Louis Riel, sacrificed his life in 1885. As one of Canada's founding peoples, the Métis have sought to reclaim their Indigenous right to self‐government by establishing democratic governance bodies, enhancing their economic capacity and pursuing state recognition of their rights. In addition to these efforts, the Métis have been developing a national constitution, which is anticipated to form the basis of a government to government relationship between the Métis Nation and the Canadian state. Through a case study of the Métis, this article explores the role of contemporary constitution‐building in rebuilding Indigenous nations from within and reclaiming self‐government in settler societies. We conclude that the Métis Nation's pursuit of these goals through constitutionalism will depend on its ability to build legitimacy internally amongst its citizens and externally with state decision‐makers.