A cartographic fade to black: mapping the destruction of urban Japan during World War II

In this paper we examine the history, production, and use – practical and rhetorical – of maps created by the United States government during World War II as related to the development and execution of aerial bombing policies against Japan. Drawing from a range of maps and primary documents culled from libraries and archives in the United States, we argue that maps provide an important, and hitherto neglected, means through which to trace the exploration and eventual embrace of the incendiary bombing of Japan’s cities. In particular, our aim is to show how maps, along with the men who made and used them, played a central role in the planning and prosecution of air raids on urban Japan. We also address the mobilization of American geographers into the war effort, the re-configuration of America’s spatial intelligence community during World War II, and the ways in which maps were constructed in the context of total war.     

明清科举的正途与异途——关于福建、江西、安徽族谱资料的分析

明清时期,科举制度的推行与家族制度的发展呈现相辅相成的关系,获得功名是许多家族之凝成与延续的重要前提。获得功名的途径大体上分正途与异途两种。从族谱资料的分析可知:家族中的正途出身与异途出身往往相互支撑,共同为家族的延续和发展作出贡献。有的是前期多正途出身,后期多异途出身。有的则先由异途出身,后代逐渐走上正途。从各自的水平和行迹看,异途或许也能在一定程度上起到搜罗遗才的作用。     

乾隆御制碑病害的现场检测与评估

为了研究首都博物馆乾隆御制碑病害及保存状况,采用数码相机、非金属超声波检测仪、胶带结合力测试条、便携式色差计、便携式视频显微镜等多种无损或微损检测手段,对石碑风化程度、碑体表面裂隙发育情况、石碑表面污染与变色等进行了现场、无损/微损检测与评估。检测结果表明,乾隆御制碑存在的主要表层病害为污染与变色,石碑表面部分位置轻微结壳、结垢、溶蚀与裂隙发育,石碑整体风化不严重,保存状况较好。检测结果可为后续保护提供依据。     

财政与皇权的互动——北宋内藏库运作机制之演变

宋初以北伐为目的而设置的内藏库,依靠江南金银课利的固定上供渠道,以及与三司合作设置的市易务收入遗利,储备了大量的国家财政资金。这些财政资金,一方面应对高额的军费支出;另一方面,天子通过借贷给三司或政府,从而支配国家的行政运行,以提升皇权的效能。北宋一百六十七年间,皇权的提升与内藏库运作机制的发展演变交相辉映。     

论清代长城边口贸易的时代特征

Comparison study on the border trading between the Ming and the Qing dynasties shows that during the Qing Dynasty, the Great Wall become an important means for the government to rule other nations like Mongolian; the border trading markets in the Qing were more than that in the Ming, and the folk trading along the Great Wall played an important role; the management about the border trading by the Qing government was embodied in the control of the structure and scale of border trading market and the mutual trading; the trading premise, the market nature, the market value for existence, and the market function of the border trading in the Qing were different from that of the Ming Dynasty. Translated by Chen Cheng from Qingshi Yanjiu 清史研究 (Studies in Qing History), 2007, (3): 73–86     

明朝时期中、日、琉球关系研究

明际中、日、琉球关系的发展与变化对此后的中日关系产生了深刻的影响.明廷在前期以及中后期对琉球的一系列不当政策导致了琉球与日本联系以及日本对琉球控制的加强.日本对琉球由此前的陌生、淡薄转化为对它的积极进取与控制.随着明末国家实力的衰落,以及明廷对琉球采取保守的宗藩政策,日本在琉球的优越地位日益上升.这一地位的上升是日本在东亚执行对外积极扩张政策的开始.日本正是以琉球为起点开始走上奴役东亚邻国的道路.     

明代山西藩府的人口增长与数量统计

山西地区不仅是明朝初年分封宗室相对集中的区域,而且人口增长速度惊人,最迟到嘉靖、隆庆年间,山西藩府已发展成为明朝境内数量最为庞大的宗室人口集团之一。作为寄生性的特权集团,明朝藩府人口的估算须区分为狭义与广义两种,《玉牒》所记的宗室人口数量应该视为户数,而不是口数。时至明末,狭义的山西藩府人口数已超过20万。     

Visual media and the construction of the benign Canadian border on National Geographic's Border Security

Visual media have long been instrumental in the production of international borders as sites of spectacle. Such projects involve careful delineations of who may enter and under what conditions. In Canada, this representation often centres on a dialectical relationship between a welcoming and generous, multicultural nation and a threatening foreign immigrant Other. We adopt a visual content analysis approach to examine Border Security: Canada's Front Line, a documentary series produced for the National Geographic Channel that follows the daily activities of Canadian border security agents. Because this series is sponsored by the Canadian Border Patrol Agency, it provides an ideal case with which to interrogate the State's agenda in representing home, Other and risk. Given previous scholarship on the dialectical representation of Other and Canadian multiculturalism, we expected to find similar juxtapositions on Border Security. Rather, our analysis reveals a carefully managed representation of colour and nation-blindness that supports a construction of Canada in opposition to the United States.     

Uprisings,Migrations, and Ethnic Identity： A Study of the Kaxabu in the Taiwan Borderland during the Qing

The earliest written record of the term “Kaxabu” dates to the 1908 survey report by the Japanese scholar Ino Kanori. In his study of the Pazzehe tribe in central Taiwan, he wrote： “Kaxabu was the name given by the Pazzehe to Daiyao＇puru, a small division of its ethnic group.” During the Qing era, the Pazzehe was called the Anli group by Chinese speakers in Taiwan, while the Kaxabu were named Puzili she （the Puzili tribe）. Since the Kaxabu originated from the Pazzehe, thus in determining the time when the Kaxabu became distinct from the Pazzehe and in exploring the differences between them, we will also elucidate historical developments before the Japanese colonial era. Using Qing historical materials such as travelogues, expedition-records, newspapers, data from fieldwork, surveys, and interviews, this study traces the intervention of the Qing court into tribal relationships in central Taiwan, beginning with the Dajiaxi she Incident （1731-32）, it touches on the changing environment of the Kaxabu/ Puzili she in their migrations in order to shed light on the development of the two distinctive identities-the Kaxabu and Pazzehe/Anli group. The analysis also reveals the impact of uprisings and migrations upon the border area surrounding Qing Taiwan, as well as problems of ethnic identification and geography.     

明洪武官窑瓷器及相关问题——传世品视角的透析

洪武官窑瓷器在国内外皆有收藏,各有特点,但基本风格相同.洪武官窑瓷器因景德镇御器厂遗址的出土发现而得以正确定位和认识.洪武官窑设置的关键原因是朱元璋对祭祀的高度重视.洪武官窑青花相对元青花缺少自由创作,但其对元代有继承也有创新.     

明代科举各级考试的规模及其录取率

明中叶后,各省直的科考规模在四五千人至数万人之间,平均录取率估计在10%上下。乡试录取率,明初一般在10%上下;成、弘间定为5.9%;嘉靖末年又降为3.3%;而实际录取率又低于此。会试录取率,自洪武至万历中平均为8.6%;其中,洪武至永乐二年平均为21.7%,永乐四年至万历中期平均为8.4%。殿试规模和录取数在理论上皆等于同科会试录取数。永乐二年后,明廷共在51科14938名二、三甲进士中考选了1277名庶吉士,平均录取率为8.55%。上述录取率,都是在朝廷调控下形成的,并非完全自由竞争的结果。而之所以进行调控,又是由官缺的有限性和科举取士用途的单一性矛盾造成的。     

明万历二十年代初河南的自然灾伤与政府救济

万历二十一年五月,河南境内黄河一线以南普遭水灾,加上河堤溃决,河南、山东和南直三省交界区域一片汪洋。由于国家救济不力,加上气候寒冷、草皮缺乏和疫病流行等因素,到了该年年底和次年年初,水灾演化为饥荒,饿殍盈途,盗贼猖獗,情势恶化。刑科给事中杨东明独特图画形式的呼吁、阁臣王锡爵等上下沟通的不懈努力以及钦差钟化民舍命为之的系统救济,使河南等地最终幸运地度过了劫难。灾难的发生和救济的过程既体现了明代社会变动的某些信息,也反映了在固有制度体系框架内治人因素的重要作用。     

制度设计与多维互动：清道光年间徽州振兴科考的一次尝试——以《绩溪捐助宾兴盘费规条》为中心的考察

明清时期徽州府属各县的教育发展水平及发展程度呈现出不均衡的现象.由于商业势力及经济实力的相对滞后,绩溪的教育发展水平一直居于徽州府较次的位置.清道光年间,随着商业实力的相对增强以及休宁县成功事例的示范效应,绩溪县地方官府、社会精英、宗族、文会以及宗族成员开始日益重视并致力于振兴科考的努力,各行为主体相互之间围绕着筹集乡试盘费资金以及与此相关的一系列制度设计等主题,展开了积极有效的良性互动.绩溪县地方官府、社会精英、宗族、典商等围绕科举这一主题所进行的制度设计与多维互动,是清代道光年间徽州地域社会内振兴科考的一次有益的尝试.     

Contemporary conflicts,cross‐border military operations,and the declining role of the UN: The case of Turkey and Saudi Arabia

This article examines an emerging trend of cross‐border conflicts between states and non‐state actors. It looks at the narratives fronted by Turkey and Saudi Arabia to justify their operations in northern Syria and Yemen, respectively. The authors argue that the increased inaction and lack of influence by the UN in response to such operations reaffirm states as the core actors in international politics and that national security and interests continue to shape the behavior of actors at the international level. The article concludes that the UN needs to adjust to the new forms of conflicts, actors, and behavior being experienced at the international level if it is to retain its relevance as an anchor of peace and international security.     

明与北元对峙格局中的洪武朝之东胜卫变迁

明朝建立后,元朝退居漠北,史称北元。东胜地区处于明与北元斗争的前沿,洪武四年,明朝先于此地初建东胜卫,洪武五年以后内迁大同,洪武二十五年复于原地增置。这一过程反映了明与北元复杂的斗争形势。洪武后期,东胜卫的存在大幅度北移了明朝的边防线,是明与北元实力此长彼消的最终产物。因此,从14世纪末到15世纪初的东胜卫变迁是明朝根据不断变化的客观形势对边防体系做出的合理调整。这一点对于全面理解明初北边边防格局的演变具有重要意义。     

事有定数:明人对科举功名的认识

自隋、唐以降,伴随着科举制的创立、发展与完善,科举入仕成为社会普遍追求的理想人生模式, 以科举制度、科举人物、科举故事为核心内容的科举文化是中国传统文化的一个独特的构成部分。观照明人关于科举人物、科举故事的诸多记载和议论,基本上可以认为,命定、风水、报应等传统思想,因其理论上的包容性和阐释中的灵活性,是明人解释科举功名现象的主要理论依据。这种现象的生成,既是科场激烈竞争所引发的焦虑与无奈的结果,也是明人对社会、自然整体认知局限的自白。     

论明王朝治理安多藏区的策略及成效

安多在明朝经营整个藏区中具有特殊作用。明王朝把安多看作是经营整个藏区的示范区和桥头堡。明王朝对藏区的治理沿袭元制,并有所突破和创新治理安多藏区的原则是羁縻与怀柔并举,主要措施有“土流参治”、“僧官制度”及官办“茶马互市”等。总体而言,明王朝在安多藏区的治理是成功的,值得肯定的。     

北魏明元帝两皇后之死与保太后得势

密皇后杜氏与昭哀皇后姚氏均受明元帝的宠遇,又都于明元帝去世前三年的泰常五年死去,于是宫中再无皇后。明元帝去世后,太武帝的乳母窦氏受封为保太后,她不仅在后宫得势,还进而干预北魏朝政。对此一系列史实的考证说明,北魏为防止母权干预政治而确立子贵母死之规,但由此派生出保母抚养储君之成例,遂致保母干预政治,其结果竟与子贵母死之规的初衷大相违戾。     

US grand strategy and national security: the dilemmas of primacy,decline and denial

The foreign policy crises that the USA has confronted under the administration of President Barack Obama have generated profound uncertainty about whether the USA can maintain what has been its consistent grand strategy since the end of the Cold War: primacy. The authors argue, drawing on a neoclassical realist framework, that this uncertainty has been driven not so much by fundamental changes in the international system itself, but rather by how such changes have been interpreted by the Obama administration and its critics. US grand strategy is now caught between approaches best described as the ‘decline management’ of the Obama administration and the ‘decline denial’ of president Donald Trump, which reflects the fracturing of the domestic ‘political support system’ that has underpinned primacy since the end of the Cold War.     

In Search of ‘Affectionate Regard’: American Merchant Lobbies and the State during the Atlantic Imperial Crisis*

This article revisits the politics of British merchants trading to North America in the period between 1763 and 1783. Their political success and failure in this critical period have been examined primarily in terms of their impact on the escalation of imperial crisis, with the day‐to‐day operation of merchant politics rarely taken into full account. This article takes an alternative approach of studying the political influence of merchants trading to North America within the context of their interaction with the state. By looking into the organisation, the process of lobbying, and the arguments that the merchants adopted, the article highlights how, in response to many sources of tension and uncertainty inherent within their relationship with the state, they demarcated their own areas of contribution to the shaping of commercial and colonial policy. Through the case study of merchants trading to North America, this article sheds further light on the necessity to understand the evolution of such modern political institutions as commercial lobbies in their specific economic and political contexts.