智利阿连德政权垮台的粮食因素

阿连德上台以来,采取了带有社会主义倾向的改革措施,诸如开展土地改革、提高工人待遇、实施国有化政策,这种以消费革命为取向的改革更多着眼于政治选票和扩大统治基础的需要,尽管在其执政中后期开始强调增加粮食生产等生产革命,但由于路径依赖导致的一系列问题积重难返.另一方面,阿连德的改革触动了美国在智利的政治利益和经济利益,而且美国更不希望智利成为第二个古巴,在南美洲产生“多米诺骨牌”效应.为此,美国通过取消粮食援助、对智利实施铜矿禁运等在内的一系列制裁手段来加以惩罚并扶持智利国内的反对派,这种组合拳式的运用使得智利的粮食危机愈演愈烈.在国际粮价高涨、美国粮食制裁以及民众反对的国内外综合因素作用下,阿连德政权逐步陷入困境.     

试析法国旧制度末年的教会免税特权

从路易十四时代起,法国绝对君主制国家试图对特权团体征收国家直接税,而法国教会对政府的新税收政策进行了最为成功的抵制。其中的原因主要是法国教会内部严密的组织性、它的特权与旧制度的财政体制的共生关系,以及支撑整个等级特权制度、王权亦不能僭越的传统价值观。作为一个具有典型意义的个案,教会与王权在税收特权问题上的斗争突出地反映了绝对君主制国家改革的局限性,以及法国大革命在实现社会和政治整合方面的必要性。     

National indeterminacies at the periphery of the Habsburg Monarchy: Nationalisms versus multi‐ethnic identities in Fiume/Rijeka and Trieste, 1848–1867

In the 1848–1867 period, the Habsburg Monarchy was shaken by the first waves of nationalism. Yet in the case of the Habsburg port cities of Fiume/Rijeka and Trieste, contended by several different opponents, Italian and Croatian nationalisms had to face centuries‐long traditions of municipal autonomy. In both cities, municipalism and attachment to the House of Habsburg were particularly strong and were coupled with local urban identities that defied national forms of identifications, insofar as they were ethnically and linguistically hybrid. Nationalist activists sought to exploit ethnic and linguistic elements as markers of defined national identities, yet without widespread success. The final demise of the Habsburg Monarchy in 1918 has been generally taken as proof of the cogency of nationalist discourse, especially the Italian, in the region. However, the northern Adriatic rim points to the forcefulness of Habsburg multinationalism and the existence of ethnic hybridity, which provided effective bulwarks against nationalisms for decades.     

Sur-i Israfil in Exile: Modern Definitions of Monarchy

After the bombardment of the Majlis in June of 1908, several Iranian constitutionalists were forced into exile—if not arrested and persecuted. An influential group of these constitutionalists continued the publication of the Persian paper Sur-i Israfil in exile, in Yverdon, Switzerland, explicitly opposing the monarch, Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar. This article examines the ways and means by which the exiled constitutionalists, in their writings, challenged the monarch and the previously indisputable office of monarchy, and how they proposed to re-define the institution of monarchy. Paradoxically, their marginal setting, writing from European exile, far away from the Iranian borders, did not preclude them from expressing views that were influential in shaping the modern political culture of Iran.     

Capitalism and the Fall of Market Morality: How Piketty,Sandel, and the Skidelskys Vindicate R. H. Tawney's Economic Ethic

This article reappraises the thought of the British economic historian, writer on political economy, Christian socialist, and great intellectual of the Labour Party, R. H. Tawney on market morality. It extracts and synthesizes moral insights from Tawney's two most influential books Religion and the Rise of Capitalism and Equality in order to present his economic ethic, its political implications, and Christian theological roots. Tawney's ethic, which holds that market morality, social ethics, and politics are inseparably linked, is then evaluated in the light of contemporary economists and philosophers, including Thomas Piketty, Michael Sandel, Robert and Edward Skidelsky, and Harry Frankfurt. Tawney's ideas are found to be insightful and useful, particularly in linking unrestrained capitalism with inequality, exploring capitalism's opposition to market morality, finding synergies between theological and secular humanist critiques of capitalism, and in addressing criticisms of the moral significance of equality itself.     

Working-Class Women and Republicanism in the French Revolution of 1848

Abstract

Following the February Revolution in 1848, working-class women as well as men attempted to hold the government to its promise of the right to work, through street demonstrations, individual and collective demands for work, and participation in the national workshops that had been established in an attempt to address the problem of unemployment in the capital. In the process, these activists articulated what scholars have labelled as a democratic socialist vision of republicanism. In June of 1848, women participated in the insurrection that sought to defend the vision of a social republic. While the republicanism of working-class men and bourgeois women such as George Sand has been examined, studies of working-class women in the first half of the nineteenth century have to this point focused on the romantic socialist influences that shaped their activities, in particular the Saint-Simonian movement. Drawing primarily on individual letters, police interrogations and newspaper reports, a vision of republicanism emerges that includes the ability for women to sustain their families through waged as well as household labour. This concept of republican virtue based itself not in suffrage but in women's capacity to act as both producers and consumers under just and equitable conditions.     

论英国都铎专制君主制的有限性

英国都铎王朝时期的君主制久享“专制”之名,但又绝非东方式的或欧洲大陆式的绝对主义君主制。由于它处在英国封建制度日趋没落、资本主义迅速发展的历史过渡时期,在“王在议会”和“议会至上”的原则已经萌芽的情况下,其权势势必受到法律和议会的限制,而带有浓重的“有限性”特点。     

斯图亚特王朝早期议会与王权的斗争

斯图亚特王朝早期(1603-1642),以国王为代表的王权与以资产阶级和新贵族为代表的议会之间围绕着王室财政、宗教、外交及议会自身权利等问题,由矛盾到冲突,再到决裂,呈现逐步升级之态势。从斗争全过程来看,王权与议会斗争的实质是主权之争,而以议会处于强势为特征。议会之所以能在斗争中处于强势地位,根本原因在于人民群众斗争的推动。