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Wendy Bracewell 《Nations & Nationalism》2000,6(4):563-590
Abstract. Accusations of Albanian rape of Serbs in Kosovo became a highly charged political factor in the development of Serbian nationalism in the 1980s. Discussions of rape were used to link perceptions of national victimisation and a crisis of masculinity and to legitimate a militant Serbian nationalism, ultimately contributing to the violent break‐up of Yugoslavia. The article argues for attention to the ways that nationalist projects have been structured with reference to ideals of masculinity, the specific political and cultural contexts that have influenced these processes, and the consequent implications for gender relations as well as for nationalist politics. Such an approach helps explain the appeal of Milo?evi?'s nationalism; at the same time it highlights the divisions and conflicts that lie behind hegemonic gender and national identities constructed around difference. 相似文献
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This paper discusses the narration of a Serbian Gypsy who adoptedSerbian ethnic identity. Still today in Serbia, Gypsy cultureremains in the oral form. Their narratives tell as much abouttheir present as about their past. Several themes underlyingthe discussion about Gypsy ethnic flexibility are explored:their position in relation to non-Gypsies, the way they perceiveit; varying attitudes about ethnicity within Gypsy communitiesin contrast with personal experiences of a Gypsy who adoptedSerbian identity; and the evolving nature of Gypsy identities. 相似文献
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Scott E. Lemieux 《Journal of Supreme Court History》2003,28(2):197-211
Analyzing the development of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), Laurence Helfer and Anne-Marie Slaughter argue that in the early years of the court, ECJ justices "borrowed a leaf from Chief Justice John Marshall's book, edging principles forward while deciding for those most likely to oppose them in practice."1 The most famous example of this paradox in Marshall's jurisprudence can be found, of course, in his seminal opinion in Marbury v. Madison. While asserting the right of the judicial branch to nullify legislation it deemed unconstitutional, Marshall used an implausible construction of the jurisdictional powers given to the Supreme Court in Article III of the Constitution2 to deny the petitioner the remedy to which Marshall claimed he was otherwise entitled. While Marbury is generally portrayed as the fountainhead of judicial review in the United States (and therefore in liberal democracies in general), as Mark Graber points out, the decision was in fact a "strategic judicial retreat…in the face of threats by executive…power."3 In order to assert the power of judicial review, in other words, Marshall had to refrain from applying it in the case in question. 相似文献
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《Political Theology》2013,14(2):305-324
AbstractThis essay engages the political philosophy of Giorgio Agamben and the literary criticism of Abdul R. JanMohammed in critically exploring the contours of the present arrangement of democratic politics in the United States. Giorgio Agamben's exception theory of sovereignty and bare life are deployed in order to grasp the political meaning of surprisingly unprecedented and exceptional recent court rulings in the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal, who has been on Pennsylvania's death row since 1982. Abu-Jamal's experience of exceptional rulings also requires a critical elaboration of the racialized nature of American democracy. Thus, Agamben's theory finds a critical complement with the work of literary theorist Abdul R. JanMohammed, particularly JanMohammed's formulations of "social death" and the "dialectics of death" for "death-bound-subjects." The theories of Agamben and JanMohammed make clear the nature of Abu-Jamal's political struggle and the state of democratic politics that so often transforms the exception into the rule, specifically in the case of the marginal and dispossessed. The significance of Abu-Jamal's case thus becomes one of understanding the production and reproduction of the state of exception and the (im)possibilities of political transformation and liberation from the arrested state of democracy in the modern world. 相似文献
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上级命令不免责原则是国际刑法中的一项重要原则,它旨在使下级罪行系"执行上级命令"的辩护理由失效。二战以前,人们对于该原则合法性的认知并不一致,但在战后的战犯审判中,该原则与其余追究战争罪责逻辑链的原则一同被深植于国际刑法。相比于审判对象主要为高职级战犯的东京审判,该原则对于审判对象主要为下级军官和宪兵的国民政府审判意义更大。从援用《刑法》到援用《战争罪犯审判条例》,国民政府始终没有放弃对上级命令不免责原则的运用,这在使战犯的相关辩护失效,进而顺利完成定罪的同时,还将该原则由理论推向实践,使之真正具备了国际刑法上的意义。此外,在特定情况下,国民政府还依据罪行轻重程度与命令的违法性酌情考量战犯的减刑问题,这是对战犯权益的维护,同时表明日本社会关于BC级战犯是上级长官"替罪羊"的说法缺乏根据。 相似文献
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<正>锤头鲨,顾名思义,这种鲨鱼有着像锤子一样的脑袋,准确地说来,它们的脑袋长得如同一把榔头,而眼睛就长在头的左右两侧,距离非常远,看上去颇有几分怪异,不过也正是因为这样,锤头鲨才有了更为广阔的视野。锤头鲨的寿命通常有30~40岁。一般来说,锤头鲨的体长在4米左右,体重230公斤上下,生活在热带及温带海域。在今天,锤头鲨已经成为濒危动物,在加拉帕戈斯,你能够见到这些"水中巨头"的身影,其实还有赖于当地政府的保护,厄瓜多尔政府已经在加拉帕戈斯群岛的海洋保护区内为濒临灭绝的锤头鲨设立了禁猎区,让这些"水中巨头"可以有一片生存的净土。 相似文献
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<正>西班牙,这个号称"出产阳光和海滩"的国家,是个享誉全球的旅游大国。截至2018年7月4日第42届世界遗产大会闭幕,西班牙共计拥有47项世界遗产,名列世界第3位。西班牙丰富的旅游资源,深厚的文化底蕴,以及热情的舞蹈,就像一个強大的磁场,吸引着世界游客频繁往来。建在云端的龙达小镇吃过早饭,我们从塞维利亚出发,前往西班牙安达卢西亚的龙达小镇参观。龙达小镇有3000多年的悠久历史。早在罗马帝国时代,一批旅人风尘仆仆地爬上这座750公尺的悬崖峭壁,发现这里地势险要,风景秀丽,河流丰沛,于是安营扎寨,建造出第一座房子。这白 相似文献
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<正>在马来西亚沙巴州西南海岸的红树林保护区,居住着一种珍贵的灵长类野生动物——长鼻猴(proboscis monkey)。长鼻猴有着大得出奇的长鼻子,目前只有在马来西亚婆罗洲的沙巴、沙劳越等地的红树林中才能看到,属于世界濒危动物,也是马来西亚的国宝。 相似文献
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周明亮 《古籍整理研究学刊》2008,(6):71-75
“折柳”作为我国特有的送别习俗起源很早,因为“柳”在我国是“祝福”的象征,也是可以“驱鬼避邪”的“鬼怖木”;柳在中国古人心目中可以起到保护的作用,它既可以保护逝去的亲人的灵魂远行,同样保护活着的亲人路途平安。折柳送别的习俗植根于我国独特的传统文化,与我国古代人民的文化心理密切相关。 相似文献
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<正>绿色海岸如果要用颜色来形容澳大利亚,在我爱人心中,澳洲是绿色的,而在我的脑海里,澳洲是个黄颜色的大陆,这种印象源于电影《荆棘鸟》对我的影响。其实我们两人都没错,沿海的澳洲就是绿色的,令人心旷神怡的翠绿。前一晚我们在寻找住宿的路上先看到了水库保护区的牌子,而且觉得周围生境也不错,原想在这附近找住处,但没能如愿。尽管如此,我们一早还是赶到了这里。在我们停车的住宅区里的花丛中,垂蜜鸟与澳蜜鸟来回穿梭。 相似文献
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<正>"每个人心底或许都有一片孤独而自由的大海,我们往往在深夜,独自潜入其中,有时又因为潜入得太深,而思念陆地上的灯火。大多数人一生都在这两者间穿梭。"——电影《碧海蓝天》2018年,第90届奥斯卡金像奖选出了最佳影片——《水形物语》,影片讲述了人与水中生物的一段奇缘。人类对海洋的向往,从古至今,颇有几分愈演愈烈的趋势。古希腊神话中海神波塞冬掌握着海洋的力量,北欧神话中的尼约 相似文献
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J. S. Furnivall 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》1953,7(2):75-84
Nationalism and Communism in East Asia, by W. Macmahon Ball (Melbourne University Press, 1952. 25s.). 相似文献
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<正>拍摄蝴蝶"对称"之美,是蝴蝶摄影中的一种挑战。一是机会可遇不可求,"蜂团蝶阵乱纷纷",当你与群蝶相遇,它们如天女散花般毫无秩序,又似小河流水一样,形成一种动态的"彩流",常常让你望蝶兴叹,不拍则失去良机,而选择拍摄又仅仅是一种简单的影像记录,难以展现蝴蝶的美、张扬和摄影者的艺术表现力;二是瞬间难把握,当你看到两只 相似文献