‘Parry’ fractures and female-directed interpersonal violence: Implications from the Late Archaic Period of west Tennessee

The recognition of a high frequency of ‘parry’ fractures in the females from the Late Archaic Period (2500–1000/500 BC ) west Tennessee site of Eva prompted a more thorough examination of female-directed interpersonal violence in prehistoric Tennessee sites. The study examined forearm fractures in eight (N = 308) Late Archaic Period hunter-gatherer sites and five (N = 501) Mississippian Period (c. AD 1200–1600) agriculturalist sites. On the basis of chi-square test results, there does not appear to be any gender bias in forearm fracture occurrence in the Archaic Period. The high frequency of female ‘parry’ fractures at Eva was an artefact of the ratio of females to males. More importantly, craniofacial trauma data do not support an aetiology that would explain mid-shaft forearm fractures as a result of interpersonal violence.     

Ancient injury recidivism: an example from the Kerma period of ancient Nubia

A topical trend in clinical research has been the study of repeat trauma, referred to by clinicians as “injury recidivism,” which lends itself to the assessment of accumulated injuries among ancient people. The present investigation examined the healed injuries among two archaeological skeletal samples from the Kerma period (ca. 2500–1500 BC) of Sudanese Nubia. Both groups were known to have a high prevalence of multiple trauma—80% of 54 adults from the rural sites (O16 and P37) located near Dongola and 42% of 212 adults from the urban site of Kerma sustained nonfatal injuries. It was observed that a higher frequency of multi‐injured adults displayed one or more violence‐associated injury (cranial trauma, parry fracture). When all injuries were considered 38% of individuals with violence‐related injuries had other traumatic lesions in contrast to 22% of individuals who experienced injuries associated with accidental falls (e.g., Colles', Smiths', Galeazzi, and paired forearm fractures), although this difference was not significant. When only the skulls and long bones were evaluated 81% of adults with multiple injuries to these major bones bore one or more violence‐related injuries, while 60% of adults with single injuries sustained violence‐related injuries. Most individuals with multiple injuries were male and less than 35 years of age; there was no significant difference in the frequency of violence‐ or accident‐related multiple injury between the rural and urban communities. Although it cannot be established whether or not some of an individual's injuries were experienced during simultaneous or independent incidents, the pattern of multiple injury among these two ancient Nubian skeletal samples reflected the profile of injury recidivism observed by modern clinicians cross‐culturally. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Trauma in the city of Kerma: ancient versus modern injury patterns

Injuries, whether accidental or intentional, have incapacitated humans and their primordial ancestors throughout time, although the injury mechanisms have become increasingly more technologically sophisticated. Interpretation of injury aetiology among past peoples is challenging, and often impossible, however, clinical research from developing countries provides a useful analogy with which to evaluate trauma or health patterns of an ancient society. This paper presents a systematic analysis of cranial and postcranial skeletal trauma among 223 adults who were excavated by George Reisner in 1923 from the city of Kerma (1750–1550 BC), Egypt's ancient nemesis in the struggle for control of the Nile River trade route. A total of 156 injuries (fractures, dislocations and muscle pulls among the skull, long bones, extremities and torso) were observed among 88 individuals, 48 of whom had one injury only. The skull was the most frequently traumatized element (11.2%) followed by the ulna (8.3%); 2.4% (48/2029) long bones were fractured. The modal distribution of the Kerma fractures was compared to the fracture distributions of two samples from India and Nigeria where falls were the most common cause of injury. Some characteristics of the three injury patterns were shared: males suffered the greatest frequency of injury, the economically active people (25 to 50 years of age) presented the most injuries among adults, and a small proportion of the victims had more than one major injury. However, the Kerma distribution of the fractured bones varied dramatically from the clinical injury distributions: the ulna and skull were among the least frequently injured bones in the modern samples, while the radius, humerus and lower leg were the most commonly traumatized elements among the modern people, but rare among the ancients. The configuration of the ulna and skull injuries at Kerma was characteristic of those associated with blunt force trauma in other clinical assessments and the absence of these specific lesions from the modern samples where accident was the primary injury mechanism presents a persuasive argument for interpersonal violence among the ancient Kerma people. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Analysis of ante mortem trauma in three modern skeletal populations

When archaeological skeletons are assessed, the prevalence (and patterns of bone involvement) of trauma is important. The number and pattern of fractures can be used to gain insight into the occurrence of interpersonal violence, workload and living conditions. However, the question remains as to how these results should be interpreted—such as what constitutes high or low levels of trauma? The aim of this study was to investigate the occurrence of trauma in a population of modern Greeks living in Crete, as well as South African (SA) whites and blacks in the Pretoria Bone and Raymond Dart collections. The sample comprised mostly of older individuals (n = 90–100 within a sex‐population group). Each skeleton was studied for healed trauma. For the vertebrae, only spondylolysis was assessed. In the Greek sample, it was found that 42% of the males and 46% of females had at least one fracture, with corresponding figures of 63 and 44% for SA whites and 83 and 69% for SA blacks. Radius, rib and femur fractures were most common in Greeks, with skull, radius and ribs most common in SA whites and skull, ulna and ribs in SA blacks. These prevalences of trauma are high, but the composition of the samples (mostly of lower socio‐economic origin) should be kept in mind. It may also be questioned whether these individuals reflect the society as a whole. It seems that the fractures in Greeks are mostly related to old age due to falls and accidents (radius and hip fractures), while the SA black sample reflects high prevalences of interpersonal violence (such as cranial vault and ulna fractures). The SA white sample follows a comparatively moderate pattern of trauma. These comparative figures may be useful when assessing trauma in other skeletal populations. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Adult fracture patterns in prehistoric Thailand: a biocultural interpretation

The prevalence and distribution patterns of trauma in samples of human skeletal remains can reflect the risks to which the community was exposed in daily activities or as a result of interpersonal violence. This paper describes the patterns of non‐vertebral fractures in skeletal samples from four prehistoric Thai sites in terms of long bone fracture rates and individual prevalence rates. The sites range in date from c. 2000 BC (Neolithic) to 400 BC (late Bronze Age), and in environment from coastal estuarine to seasonally dry upland plains. These differences in the natural and cultural environment provided a basis for comparison among the samples representing nearly 300 adult individuals. The types of fractures ranged from simple to severe, but most had healed successfully with few limiting complications. The small bones of the hands and feet as well as clavicle and forearm bones were most frequently fractured among all samples. Overall there was an increase in the major long bone fracture rates from the Neolithic (0.3%) to the Bronze Age (3.0%) that may reflect a change in subsistence activities such as land clearance for the intensification of rice agriculture. The prevalence of ulnar fractures is particularly high in the Bronze Age, and the analysis of their possible cause, combined with evidence for craniofacial fractures, is suggestive of the presence of interpersonal violence in a small number of individuals. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Trauma in the Crusader period city of Caesarea: a major port in the medieval eastern Mediterranean

Caesarea is the first fortified city to undergo palaeopathological analysis of its Crusader period inhabitants. This study of the 12th and 13th century population aims to determine the major types of trauma present, whether from weapon injuries or accidents. Since the Crusades were known for the significant number of battles and raids that took place, weapon injuries were expected to be common. Thirteen cases of trauma are described and a highly unexpected pattern has come to light. These cases do not include one single example of weapon‐related trauma. Every fracture is of a type expected from accidents or interpersonal violence without weapons. Possible explanations include the location of the city deep within Frankish territory and the robust city walls giving effective protection to the inhabitants, and also that the population were involved in activities that left them prone to accidents but not weapon injuries. The other important finding from this study was that the cases of lower limb long bone spiral fractures had healed in a near‐anatomical alignment. This is not what we would expect, as a proportion of these injuries would normally have been unstable and tend to heal poorly aligned. The good position could have resulted from surgeons' use of splints to immobilise the bones while they healed. This suggestion is supported by laws of the kingdom of Jerusalem, which stated that surgeons were to be punished if they allowed such fractures to heal at an angle. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Fracture patterns among the Nubians of Semna South,Sudanese Nubia

A collection of 592 individuals from the site of Semna South in Sudanese Nubia was studied for evidence of healed fractures of the skull and appendicular skeleton. The sample included 241 males, 239 females, 109 subadults and three adults for whom a sex could not be determined. Potential analytical and interpretive bias due to vagaries of preservation was quantified and examined. Almost 21% of the adults exhibited at least one healed fracture, while only two subadults showed such trauma. Rates of fractures, calculated for each bone, varied from a high of 17.9% for the cranium to a low of 0% for the right femur. Some fractures were likely caused by the physical environment, for example, falls along the rocky shores of the Nile. Other trauma, such as craniofacial fractures, found in both males and females, may have been due to interpersonal violence. The high rate of craniofacial trauma may indicate that this group experienced social stress which could have precipitated or intensified interpersonal violence. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Evidence of amputation as medical treatment in ancient Egypt

The use of surgical techniques in ancient Egyptian medicine has only been suggested indirectly through ancient medical texts and iconography, and there is no evidence of amputation as a means of therapeutic medical treatment. This paper presents four cases of amputation from the archaeological site of Dayr al‐Barshā, Egypt. Two of the cases (dated to the First Intermediate and Middle Kingdom periods, respectively) are from individuals that display bilateral amputations of the feet, one through the metatarso‐phalangeal joints, the other a transmetatarsal amputation. The exact reason for the amputation, perhaps from trauma or disease, is unknown. The particular healing patterns of the distal ends of the amputations suggest these individuals used foot binding or prosthetic devices. Another case represents a healed amputation of the left ulna near the elbow, dated to the Old Kingdom. The final case represents a perimortem amputation of the distal end of the right humerus. The exact date of this individual is unknown, but most likely pertains to the Old Kingdom or First Intermediate period. This individual seems to have suffered a traumatic incident shortly before death, sustaining many fractures, including a butterfly fracture on the right humerus. Several cut marks were identified on top of the butterfly fracture, indicating amputation of the arm at this point. All four cases support the hypothesis that the ancient Egyptians did use amputation as a therapeutic medical treatment for particular diseases or trauma. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Patterns of Cranial Trauma in a Prehistoric Population from Central California

Evidence of cranial trauma was investigated in a skeletal sample from the site CA-Ala-329 located on the eastern side of San Francisco Bay, Central California. The sample included 365 crania, including 134 adult males, 104 adult females, 22 adults of indeterminate sex and 105 subadults. Evidence of cranio-facial fracture was found in eight individuals, one of whom is an adolescent. Thus, the frequency in adult crania of traumatic injury is 7/260 (2.7 per cent). Of the seven individuals of known sex displaying such cranial trauma, all are male. The injuries are generally suggestive of some form of interpersonal aggression, with five healed vault fractures, one lesion with an embedded obsidian fragment (a probable projectile point) and two healed facial fractures. Further clear evidence of interpersonal aggression has been previously determined in this sample and has been reported at even higher levels elsewhere in California. © 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Fatal Injuries in a pre‐Hispanic Canary Mummy: Violence,Accident or Ritual Suicide?

Perimortem traumas have been identified in a pre‐Hispanic Canary mummy (fifth–sixth centuries cal AD). The location and nature of the fractures in the cranium, cervical vertebrae, ribs and both legs indicate a fall from a considerable height, which would have been the cause of death. Supported by forensic anthropology criteria and historical information about the population of origin, the circumstances in which the fatal injuries might have occurred are discussed. Given the pattern of the injuries, it is debated whether they were the result of an accident or a ritual suicide, as aggression is thought to be a less likely scenario. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Trauma and amputations in 19th century miners from Kimberley,South Africa

Trauma is the result of violent accidental or therapeutic events that cause physical or psychological injury. The frequencies and types of trauma within a population can give important information regarding their lifestyle as well as the quantity and quality of medical care available to them. The purpose of this study was to assess the incidence of trauma in the Gladstone sample population with regards to the presence of interpersonal violence a hazardous working environment strenuous working requirements and the availability of medical care. The individuals studied here were diamond miners from Kimberley dating to the late 19th century. A total of 107 well‐preserved skeletons were excavated from unmarked graves after accidental discovery. This sample included 86 males 15 females and 6 individuals of unknown sex. The majority of individuals (71%) were between 19 and 45 years of age. The remains were most likely those of migrant mine workers of low socioeconomic status who had passed away at the local hospitals. All bones were visually assessed for macroscopic indications of traumatic bone alterations and compared to standard palaeopathological texts and photographs. A total of 27% (n = 28) of the individuals in the sample presented with well‐healed healing or perimortem fractures. Fractures to the skull encompassed 49% (n = 20) of all the fractures that were observed. A total of six (6%) amputations were noted. Spondylolysis was observed in 7% (n = 7) of the individuals within the sample and longstanding subluxation was noted in two individuals. The high incidences of cranial fractures within this population are suggestive of high levels of interpersonal violence while long bone fractures spondylolysis and evidence of longstanding subluxations are indicative of the strenuous work requirements and the high‐risk environment to which these individuals were exposed. When considering the presence of well‐reduced fractures and healed amputations it seems that adequate medical care was available to at least some members of this community. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. This article was published online on 17 February 2009. An error was subsequently identified. This notice is included in the online and print versions to indicate that both have been corrected 3 November 2009.     

The warriors of the steppes: osteological evidence of warfare and violence from Pazyryk tumuli in the Mongolian Altai

Skeletal remains of Pazyryk warriors unearthed in a recent archaeological excavation in the Mongolian Altai offer a unique opportunity for verifying ancient histories of warfare and violence given by Herodotus in the fifth century BC. The Pazyryks were Iron Age nomadic groups associated with the eastern Scythians and known from burial site discoveries on the high steppes of the Altai (Central Asia). The aim of this paper is to analyze the evidence for bone trauma provided by the skeletal remains of these Pazyryk warriors with a particular focus on violence-related injuries. The sample consists of 10 individuals, comprising seven adult males, one adult female and two children. Seven individuals exhibited a total of 14 traumatic injuries. Six of these injuries (43%) showed evidence of bone remodelling and eight injuries (57%) were morphologically compatible with a perimortem origin. Twelve injuries (86%) were related to interpersonal violence, most likely caused by weapons similar to those found in Pazyryk tombs (battle-axes, daggers and arrowheads). Five individuals, including the female and one child, exhibited evidence of violent death. Furthermore, one individual also exhibited evidence of scalping. Despite the small number of Pazyryk skeletons analyzed, the pattern of traumatic injuries observed appears to be in agreement with that documented in conflicts related to raids or surprise attacks, and not a result of routinized or ritualized violence. These findings contribute new data to osteological evidence from Scythian burial sites.     

Healed bone fractures in a jomon skeletal population from the Yoshigo shell mound,Aichi Prefecture,Japan

Healed bone fractures were quantitatively analyzed in an ancient Japanese population. The sample studied consisted of the skeletal remains of 160 adult individuals from the Yoshigo shell mound (ca. BP 3400‐2400), Aichi prefecture, Japan. Healed fractures were diagnosed from the presence of callus formation and/or angular deformity. Fractures were frequently seen in small bones of the hand and foot such as the metacarpals, rather than in large long bones such as the clavicle, humerus, radius, ulna, femur, tibia and fibula. Of a total of 517 intact large long bones, only four fractures (0.8%) were recognized. The prevalence and pattern of bone fractures in the Yoshigo population reflects the relative lack of stress in their life‐style. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Violence,Social Differentiation and the Self

The article considers aspects of violence in everyday life among the Tiwi of Melville and Bathurst Islands. It briefly compares the role of violence in bureaucratically and juridically mediated forms with self-help and social regulation in Aboriginal societies, focussing on the expressive or performative aspects of violence in everyday interaction. Myers' discussion of violence among the Pintubi posits a dialectical polarity of relatedness and differentiation, corresponding with the affective poles of compassion and anger. This is compared with Sansom's account of semi-ritualized forms of violence in Aboriginal fringe-camp life, where a point of commonality in Myers' and Sansom's approaches is found: this consists of the attunement of action, of violence, self-violence and destructiveness to the witnessing public. In Tiwi life too, conflict is dynamically shaped by actors' attempts to impinge upon, to seek to arouse and in some cases to manipulate, compassion or concern in the witnessing group as defence or as a form of moral attack. Open, dramatic ‘appealing’ violence, often in the form of a more or less controlled loss of self-control, seeks to parry indirect interpersonal tension and antagonism, to reassert or restore social distance and protect or privilege important relationships from intrusive demands. However, these violent appeals in rhetorical threat, in self-violence, destructiveness or sometimes in dramatic suicidal gestures also invariably indicate extreme personal difficulty displaced into open forms of confrontation. The article proposes that the generative moment of violence for social differentiation be sought in an examination of dynamic interrelationships between individual life-history, inner group processes and their articulation with external social forms.     

The skeleton of a medieval male with multiple traumatic fractures from Piazza della Signoria,Florence, Italy

We report on the palaeopathology of a medieval skeleton of a young adult male with multiple traumatic fractures found in 1989 in Piazza della Signoria, Florence, Italy. The skeleton presents ante mortem fractures of the right ulna and femur, and left tibia and fibula. We reconstruct the dynamics of the accident based on the location and type of fractures. Then we discuss the impact of this severe trauma on the subject's living conditions based on articular and enthesic modifications of the skeleton. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Radiographic clues to fractures of distal humerus in archaeological remains

Today, distal humeral fractures occur most frequently in children and adolescents, and are usually the result of a fall onto extended arms, or less often on flexed elbows. Trauma to the distal humerus at the physis and epiphyses often produces non‐displaced or mildly displaced fractures that are difficult to recognize radiographically. To help identify these types of injuries, clinicians have developed two measurement techniques that are applied to the X‐rays of the injured bones. In a preliminary attempt to assess the usefulness of these measurement techniques for recognizing trauma in archaeological skeletal remains, 25 humeri from two Ontario ossuary samples were submitted to radiography. Clinical data on distal humeral fractures, their incidence, and mechanisms of injury were also used to interpret the lifestyles and cultural activities of the aboriginal individuals under study. While only one healed fracture was suspected after gross observation, a total of four fractures were ultimately identified using the two measurements, the humerotangential‐angle (HTA) and the anterior hunieral line (AHL). Our results provide indirect, but telling, evidence of accidental childhood injuries to distal humerus in an archaeological population. Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Prehistoric radio‐ulnar synostosis: implications for function

Proximal radio‐ulnar synostosis (RUS) may occur congenitally, either as an isolated condition or as part of a syndrome, or it may occur as a secondary complication of forearm trauma. We provide a key for the differential diagnosis of congenital versus traumatic RUS, and for differentiation between types of congenital RUS. Congenital cases (CRUS) include absence of fracture, radial head abnormalities, radial shaft bowing, and absence of a sigmoid notch, whereas post‐traumatic RUS results from either radial neck fracture or evulsion of the biceps brachii, followed by ossification of the resulting haematoma or of the interosseous (IO) membrane. Congenital cases include those which result from incompetent differentiation of the single mesenchymal mass that gives rise to the radius and ulna (Type I) and those that result from radial head dislocation in utero, resulting usually from humeral or ulnar defects (Type II). Type II CRUS can be differentiated by the presence of radial overgrowth, among other factors. Following these guidelines, we describe and compare the morphology of three congenital cases from North America. Two present bony fusions and one a functional fusion with radial overgrowth. In each case, CRUS significantly limits both supination and pronation. Despite differences among the cases, several morphological accommodations are shared as a result of fixation in the neutral (semi‐pronated) position. These changes include the ventral migration of the IO crests of the ulnae and enlargement of the dorsal tubercles of the radius. Understanding the pattern of accommodations made in the face of compromised function ultimately increases our understanding of the patterns of growth in normal functional regimes. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

On the question of historical injuries: Transitional justice,anthropology and the vicissitudes of listening (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

In this paper I am concerned with how certain kinds of violence and injuries, located simultaneously in multiple spaces and temporalities, question the prospect of what I call an ‘imagined new future’. I take the proceedings of a recent workshop on transitional justice, held in a university situated in the global North, as an avenue to unpack this idea. Here, I distinguish two instances when testimonies of violence embodied by survivors, may challenge broader assumptions about transitional justice. Firstly, when the prospect of historical injuries emerge, when difference and inequality – despite the promise of new post‐violence nations – are in fact woven together into a longue durée, a longer temporality, that remains beyond the theoretical contours and technical mandates defined by experts in the field. From this perspective, transitions may be experienced by specific communities not as fractures but as relative continuities, for example, of historically rooted political and economic hegemonies. Secondly, when the voice of survivors fracture the theoretical space created by larger discourses of reconciliation. In this case, they may incarnate an unforgiving victim, displaced outside the moral economy of reconciliation that stresses forgiveness and unity over resentment and fragmentation. In the end, the question I would like to pose is how certain forms of violence are rendered unintelligible by mainstream transitional justice discourses.     

Comparative Study of Perimortem Weapon Trauma in Two Early Medieval Skeletal Populations (AD 400–1200) from Ireland

Violence was a reality of life in early medieval Ireland (AD 400–1200). Its omnipresence is indicated from numerous narratives of regicide, mortal conflicts, battles and warfare that survive in ancient myths, legends and annalistic accounts. The archaeological evidence of violence and conflict is mainly identified in the osteoarchaeological record, and approximately 13% of all skeletal populations from excavated early medieval cemeteries in Ireland have shown evidence of weapon trauma. This study considers the osteological representation of violent deaths in two contemporaneous Irish skeletal populations dating to this period: Mount Gamble in County Dublin and Owenbristy in County Galway. This analysis involves assessing the different anatomical regions of the body for evidence of lesions that can be attributed to weapon trauma. The results indicate that these populations are likely to have been exposed to violence under differing circumstances; the evidence suggests that the individuals from Mount Gamble may have been well equipped or skilled at interpersonal battle, in contrast to the majority of individuals from Owenbristy who may have been unprotected and unprepared. The presence of two adolescents and two adult females amongst the victims from the latter population gives insight into a wider social dimension of weapon trauma in early medieval Ireland. There is also evidence of postmortem mutilations and decapitations, which reflect ritualistic aspects of violence. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.