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1.
none 《巴勒斯坦考察季》2013,145(4):272-282
Abstract

Building on recent observations made by Belfer-Cohen and Goring-Morris, this study proposes that a zone of intensive interaction existed between communities in the Jordan Valley during much of the Early Natufian period (c. 12,500–11,000 cal bc). Recently published data demonstrate distinctive and even unique links between open-air Jordan Valley sites. Whereas some models have utilised specific types of material culture (e.g. bone artefacts or art items) to identify cultural provinces in the Natufian, this enquiry uses multiple categories of evidence (site types, shared artefact types, artefacts with close stylistic similarities, embodied behavioural practices, and raw material movements) to propose a Natufian sub-region in the Jordan Valley. The likely existence of a post-Lisan “Damya Lake” is suggested as a rationale for extensive north–south contexts south along the Rift Valley, especially for the transport of heavy materials such as basaltic rock. In the future, scientific techniques such as the isotopic analysis of human skeletal remains, elemental characterisation of raw material source, and reliable dating of excavated sites will prove to be decisive in evaluating the model.  相似文献   

2.
In this study, we used standardized methods to investigate masticatory and non‐masticatory dental alterations (chipping, notches, interproximal grooves) in teeth from the epipalaeolithic necropolis of Taforalt (Morocco, about 12,000–11,000 BP). The particular distribution of some of the alterations could be related to avulsion of the upper central incisors, a systematic ritual characterizing all adult individuals of the necropolis. Because of this practice, the functions of the anterior teeth (cutting and tearing portions of food while eating, holding objects, etc.) likely shifted to the posterior teeth. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

3.
Abstract

The site of Hayonim Terrace contains occupations of two Epipaleolithic complexes: the Natufian and the Geometric Kebaran. The prehistoric occupations of the terrace appear to span a period of transition between hunting/ collecting and food-producing economies. Excavation of the terrace has provided considerable information on the environmental setting and prehistoric adaptive strategies of this period.  相似文献   

4.
We carried out a detailed taphonomic and zooarchaeological analysis of the faunal remains from the new excavation of the Late Natufian layers of el-Wad Terrace. We focused on gazelle exploitation patterns and examined them within the context of the established Epipalaeolithic sequence from the coastal plain of Israel. Mountain gazelle (Gazella gazella) is the most heavily exploited species. The taphonomic history of the assemblage suggests minor loss of bones caused by post-depositional processes and indicates that bone destruction occurred during occupation. Cut marks from all stages of activities, absence of selective transport, and body part representation suggest that gazelle were butchered at the site. Analysis of gazelle sex composition shows male overrepresentation during the Natufian. Size trends show an increase of gazelle body-size during the Natufian in comparison to previous periods. The patterns of body-size increase show the same tendency in proximal and distal limb-bones. The trends in gazelle body-size from the Epipalaeolithic of the coastal plain do not demonstrate any sign of morphological dwarfism, increased variation, or allometric changes in the morphology of Natufian gazelles and thus do not support the previously suggested hypothesis of “proto-domestication”.  相似文献   

5.
The combined analysis of charcoal fragments retrieved from epipalaeolithic settlements in Öküzini cave (south-west Anatolia, Turkey) and of pollen in samples retrieved from outside the cave reveals the transformation of the vegetation in the region over the Late Glacial Period. The analyses provide consistent information on the use of natural resources and evidence as to the protodomestication of cereals in the region.  相似文献   

6.
Jerusalem     
Abstract

The limited excavations at Saflulim demonstrate that, together with Rosh Horesha, it functioned as some form of Negev Late Natufian residential basecamp or, more plausibly, aggregation site, with substantial and durable architectural features present. Together they represent a single site complex forming, by far, the largest Natufian (and indeed Epipalaeolithic) site documented in the Negev to date. Without doubt this is in large measure accounted for by the particular phytogeographic location of the site in the highest reaches of the central Negev Highlands during a period when environmental conditions were more favourable and a wider array of vegetal resources were available than at present.

The recovered assemblages increase the data base for ongoing technological, typological, stylistic and functional comparative studies of the Late Natufian in the Negev. In particular they should provide some indications as to the degree of variability between different types of site in the various phytogeographic zones within the region. Though not entirely conclusive, the newly acquired data appear to bolster the likelihood that previously reported assemblages from the adjacent site of Rosh Horesha are at least partially mixed.  相似文献   

7.
The present work reports an analysis of a shell midden found in Terroso hillfort, an important Iron-Age oppidum located in northwest Portugal. The midden was dated from the latest phase of occupation of the hillfort, between the Ist century BC and the Ist century AD (Roman period), and contained 684 well-preserved Patella shells. The identification of archaeological shells was carried out comparing them with modern specimens collected in two shores in the neighborhood of the hillfort. The identification of modern shells was based on radula pluricuspid teeth and shell morphology. Relative abundance of Patella species in the Terroso midden was different from modern populations. Archaeological shells were dominated by Patella vulgata, but Patella intermedia was the most abundant species in modern populations. Dimensions of archaeological shells were very different from modern populations. Shell length range and variability in archaeological shells were lower than in the modern populations. Log height vs. length plots for archaeological shells were different from modern populations. Patella shells from Terroso midden was significantly taller then modern specimens. These differences between archaeological shells and modern populations could be due to environmental changes, namely an increase in wave action and intensity. These harsher costal conditions could have resulted from an alteration in the morphology of the coast, caused by a rise in the mean sea level from 2000 years BP to the present. Alternatively or additionally, the observed differences can be related to gathering strategies. Archaeological shells could have been selected by size, and collected preferentially at high shore and in sheltered sites.  相似文献   

8.
Radiocarbon Chronology of the Siberian Paleolithic   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
We have compiled 462 C-14 determinations for 120 Paleolithic and Mesolithic sites from Siberia and the Russian Far East. The Mousterian sites are dated to ca. 46,000–28,500 BP. The Middle–Upper Paleolithic transition dates to ca. 43,300–28,500 BP. Although there are a few earlier sites, most of the Upper Paleolithic sites are dated to the time interval between ca. 34,000 BP and 10,000 BP. The earlier Upper Paleolithic stage is characterized by macroblade technology and is radiocarbon-dated to ca. 34,000–20,000 BP. The earliest microblade technology occurs in the late stage of the Upper Paleolithic, dated to ca. 23,000–20,000 BP, but the majority of microblade sites is dated to ca. 20,000–11,000 BP. The Final Paleolithic (Mesolithic) sites date to ca. 12,000–6000 BP. At ca. 13,000–11,000 BP, the earliest Neolithic appeared in both the Russian Far East (Amur River basin) and the Transbaikal. The Paleolithic–Neolithic transition occurred ca. 13,000–6000 BP.  相似文献   

9.
The main objective of this paper is to suggest an alternative approach for the investigation of domestication in the Levant. First, basic data regarding domestication in the Levant are presented. Then the various traditional approaches towards domestication in the prehistoric Levant, labeled (1) environmental, (2) social and anthropological, and (3) cognitive, are briefly reviewed. This discussion forms the basis for a proposal of a “holistic approach,” in which domestication is regarded as a long-term, multidimensional and multirelational phenomenon, including many elements—such as plants, animals, humans, material culture and ancestors—with increasing human manipulation of these various constituents. After a presentation of the theoretical framework, a growth metaphor is used to reconstruct the process of domestication (ca. 20,000–6500 B.P.) as a number of phases: (1) germination in the Kebaran; (2) development in the Early Natufian; (3) retreat/dormancy in the Late/Final Natufian; (4) growth in the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A; (5) florescence in the Early- and Middle Pre-Pottery Neolithic B: (6) further development in the Late Pre-Pottery Neolithic B; (7) dispersal in the Final Pre-Pottery Neolithic B and the Pottery Neolithic. In each of these phases, relations between the various elements are dealt with, special attention being paid to symbolical relations, as evidenced by “art” and ritual.  相似文献   

10.
Abstract

Abu Salem in the Central Negev, Israel, is the type site for the newly recognized Harifian Industry. Abu Salem is a sizable village with substantial architecture dated by C-14 to the last quarter of the 9th millennium B.C. The associated lithic industry is not directly related to the Natufian or the Pre-Pottery of Palestine, but the inferred adaptive patterns parallel those of the Natufian. Presently known Harifian site distribution indicates that it is restricted to the semi-arid zone of the southern Levant and, in spite of having the technological prerequisites, the Harifian failed to become truly Neolithic. As such, it represents an example of a late Levantine Epipaleolithic cultural development outside the core Mediterranean zone.  相似文献   

11.
Excavations at the archaeological site of Encosta de Sant'Ana (Lisbon, Portugal) uncovered a mid-Holocene buried alluvial soil associated with early Neolithic occupation layers. Routine laboratory analyses and micromorphological observations were undertaken on the soil material. Humic acids from its Ab horizon, as well as Neolithic ecofacts, were radiocarbon dated. The dates obtained indicate that soil was formed between c. 8.0 and 6.0 cal ka BP and that the pedological evidence fits the record of the North Atlantic Holocene IRD events (“Bond events”) and the so-called “Holocene climate optimum”. The geoarchaeological record reveals that Neolithic inhabitants settled upon a stable surface, still affected by soil formation that was suddenly interrupted by slope wasting, probably in correspondence to Bond event 4, at c. 6.0 cal ka BP.  相似文献   

12.
The evolution of the cultural landscape in coastal western Sardinia is investigated by means of pollen analysis in the Mistras Lagoon sediments, near the ancient city of Tharros, with particular attention to changes in evergreen vegetation and the impact of human activity. The pollen diagram, spanning the time interval from 5300 to 1600 cal BP, documents the influence of man, climate, and geomorphic dynamics on the evolution of a semi-open evergreen vegetation landscape and variations in extent of a salt-marsh environment. Anthropogenic indicators and microcharcoals concur in depicting increased land use coinciding with the Nuragic, Phoenician, Punic and Roman dominations. Pollen data, along with archaeobotanical evidence, suggest a prevailing arable farming economy, vocated to Vitis and cereals exploitation, during the Nuragic phase until 2400 cal BP, replaced since then by a prevailing stock rearing economy. Between 2050 and 1600 cal BP, a less intensive human impact on the landscape is profiled, consistently with the archaeologically documented abandonment of the rural villages in favour of a slow urbanization, experienced by the Sinis territory in Imperial times. The pollen record provides new insights into the history of important economic plants in the Mediterranean, such as Vitis, Olea and Quercus suber. The results of the pollen analysis reveal how the records of these taxa are primarily influenced by the cultural development of the Sinis region and secondarily by dynamics involving the natural companion vegetation.  相似文献   

13.
This paper examines the potential use of strontium isotopes (87Sr/86Sr) for identifying migration within Lapita populations and their commensal animals, specifically the pig (Sus scrofa). Lapita people (ca. 3300–2200 BP) were the initial colonists of the island groups to the east of the Solomon Islands, spreading from Papua New Guinea to Tonga and Samoa within a few centuries. Mobility is assumed to have been an important mechanism for maintaining cultural solidarity between Lapita communities. It has been previously argued that Lapita populations became progressively more sedentary over time after the initial colonising events. Two Lapita sites, Kamgot and Balbalankin, from the Anir Islands in the Bismarck Archipelago are included in the analysis and fall within the Early (ca. 3300–3000/2900 BP) and Middle (ca. 3000/2900–2700 BP) Lapita periods respectively.  相似文献   

14.
The archaeology of mortuary practices and related foodways in the Late Natufian (LN; ca. 14,000/13,500–11,700 BP) sheds light on the communal activities of the last hunter–gatherers in the Mediterranean Levant. We present a detailed analysis of the fauna from the LN cemetery of Raqefet Cave (Mount Carmel, Israel). Taphonomic evidence indicates that the animal bones are butchery and consumption leftovers. While the patterns of animal exploitation are reminiscent of Natufian habitation sites, the remains do not reflect the typical recurring post-discard damage resulting from continuous or repeating habitations in those sites. Hence the fauna is interpreted as the leftovers of punctuated, short-term events, rather than ‘ordinary’ Natufian household trash. Taking into account the special depositional context and site characteristics, we interpret the fauna as the intentionally-gathered and buried remains of simple funerary feasts. Elaborate mortuary behavior and symbolic role of food refuse were recently suggested at the contemporaneous cave of Hilazon Tachtit (Israel). The new data from Raqefet Cave probably reflect a somewhat different type of communal meals, adding to the diversity and complexity of pre-agricultural life-ways in the Levant.  相似文献   

15.
Previous evaluations of the potential advantage of farming over foraging have been based on experimental harvesting of wild cereals in Near Eastern ecosystems. The highly successful combination of cereals and legumes, “the Near Eastern crops assemblage”, is considered a natural choice due to the complementary nutritional value of the two crop types. Yet, legumes were rarely referred to in models describing early farming and the transition from foraging to farming. Wild legumes differ from wild cereals in several attributes pertaining to domestication, including population density (patchy vs. dense), growth habit (indeterminate vs. determinate), dispersal units (camouflaged seeds vs. awned spikelets), seed dormancy (90–80% vs. 50%), and year to year establishment (erratic vs. regular). We have analyzed the yield potential of three wild pea species (Pisum elatius, P. humile, and P. fulvum) in several ecosystems in Israel. All three pea species have patchy distribution patterns and the yield potential of the wild populations is highly variable. A harvest rate of 0.6–610 grams (calculated per collector) of clean dry grain per hour of harvest time was estimated. Among the three species studied the one adopted for domestication appears to be the least productive. This suggests that the potential productivity of wild peas was not the only or even the major consideration for domestication.  相似文献   

16.
Shell middens distributed along the coastal areas of the Beagle Channel (Tierra del Fuego) testify the primary role of marine resources in the successful social dynamic of hunter–gatherer–fisher societies (HGF) in extreme high latitude environmental conditions. Intertidal and subtidal limpet species are frequently identified taxa of these archaeological deposits. We investigated whether shell δ18O of the limpet species Nacella deaurata is a valuable record of local sea surface temperature (SST) and ambient water δ18O (δ18Ow) fluctuations, and in turn can be used to estimate the season of its exploitation by Holocene HGF. Sequential shell δ18O of modern species track seasonal changes of SST and δ18Ow. The comparison of shell δ18O profiles of N. deaurata and Nacella magellanica (a coexisting species) suggests the occurrence of distinct growth rate and physiological adaptations between species. Shell δ18O of zooarchaeological specimens of N. deaurata from Lanashuaia II suggests that animals were exploited predominantly in winter and that experienced similar environmental conditions of present day at ∼1320 years BP. Results also indicate that N. deaurata is a valuable candidate for studying past seasonal changes in SST and δ18Ow in this southernmost part of South America.  相似文献   

17.
Based on archaeological evidence from Kutch-Saurashtra (N Gujarat, NW India), we use agent-based modelling (ABM) to explore the persistence of hunter-gatherer (HG) groups in semi-arid environments in the mid and late Holocene. Agents interact within a realistic semi-arid environment dominated by the monsoon. Precipitation trends are modelled from instrumental records (1871–2008) calibrated with existing models for the Asian monsoon in the Holocene (c. 12 ka–present). Experiments aim at exploring dependencies between population dynamics and climate-driven environmental change (in terms of resource availability) for precipitation patterns at the local, regional and continental scales. Resources are distributed across a simplified ground model. Average yearly precipitation (AYP, i.e. mean) and variance in yearly precipitation (VYP, i.e. standard deviation) are the main parameters affecting resource availability in the simulations. We assess the effects of environmental change on HG populations at different timescales: (1) patterns of seasonal (inter-annual) resource availability, (2) effects of changes in mean precipitation trends over the long (Pleistocene–Holocene) and the mid (Holocene, millennial) periods, and (3) effects of intra-annual precipitation variability, i.e. changes in standard deviation from mean precipitation trends over the short period (annual to decadal). Simulations show that (1) strong seasonality is coherent with the persistence of HG populations in India, independently of the geographical scale of the precipitation models, (2) changes in AYP over the mid period (Holocene) are not sufficient to explain the disappearance of HG populations in Kutch-Saurashtra (K-S) 4 ka and (3) precipitation variability (VYP) over the short period (annual to decadal) is the main parameter affecting population performance and overall ecosystem dynamics. To date, sufficiently refined palaeoclimatic records do not exist for the study area, but higher VYP values 4 ka do not exclude the possibility that other factors may have driven the disappearance of HG populations in Kutch-Saurashtra.  相似文献   

18.
Instrumental neutron activation analysis was performed on 79 obsidian tools and flakes from 35 sites on Sakhalin Island dating from Upper Paleolithic (c. 19,000 bp ) to Early Iron Age (c. 2000–800 bp ). Due to the absence of volcanic glass on Sakhalin Island, raw materials from the nearest obsidian sources on Hokkaido Island, such as Oketo, Shirataki, Tokachi-Mitsumata, and Akaigawa, were also analysed. A strong correlation between the chemical compositions of obsidian artefacts from Sakhalin and volcanic glass sources from Hokkaido was discovered. In particular, the Oketo and Shirataki sources were used for tool manufacturing throughout all of Sakhalin Island's prehistory. The distances between sources and archaeological sites range from 200–1000 km. The intensive exchange of raw materials continued and even intensified after the appearance of the La Pérouse (Soya) Strait between Hokkaido and Sakhalin about 10,000–8000 bp. The Sakhalin Island populations were deeply involved in the obsidian exchange network centered on Hokkaido.  相似文献   

19.
We examine evidence for prehistoric diet in the Fiji Islands through the analysis of stable isotope ratios (δ13C and δ15N) for 26 samples of human and animal bones from various archaeological sites, time periods, and local environments. The oldest individuals in this study, dating to about 2700 BP and living on the small island of Waya, consumed a predominantly marine-based diet. Subsequent populations on this island showed reduced consumption of marine resources, with greater reliance on terrestrial ones, throughout the cultural sequence. In contrast, populations of humans and pigs living inland on Viti Levu, the largest island, relied on terrestrial resources since at least 1500 BP. Thus, our results suggest that human and pig diets throughout Fijian prehistory relied variably on marine or terrestrial resources, and this distinction is largely a product of geography. This finding and our analyses provide a model for understanding ancient diets in Remote Oceania.  相似文献   

20.
Past research has suggested that the humped conch (Strombus gibberulus), a species common in many prehistoric archaeological sites in the Pacific, declines in size and/or abundance over time. Explanations for this phenomenon largely revolve around the possibility that they were overharvested by human populations. In this study, we measured the length and width of over 1400 individual specimens of S. gibberulus shells recovered from the site of Chelechol ra Orrak in Palau, western Micronesia, in deposits dating from ca. 3000 BP to the present. Statistical analysis indicates that in contrast to previous reports, there is a significant size increase for this taxon through time which may be the result of a combination of anthropogenic and environmental factors. We discuss variables influencing mollusc size and suggest that, given the complexities of their interactions and the data limitations of archaeomalacological assemblages, unambiguous determination of the cause(s) of molluscan size change may not always be possible.  相似文献   

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