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This article examines the construction of a "population problem" among public health officials in India during the inter-war period. British colonial officials came to focus on India's population through their concern with high Indian infant and maternal mortality rates. They raised the problem of population as one way in which to highlight the importance of dealing with public health at an all-India basis, in a context of constitutional devolution of power to Indians where they feared such matters would be relegated to relative local unimportance. While they failed to significantly shape government policy, their arguments in support of India's 'population problem' nevertheless found a receptive audience in the colonial public sphere among Indian intellectuals, economists, eugenicists, women social reformers and birth controllers. The article contributes to the history of population control by situating its pre-history in British colonial public health and development policy and outside the logic of USA's Cold War strategic planning for Asia.  相似文献   

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The history of rape on trial in colonial India sheds new light on the colonial civilising mission and the claims made by white men about saving brown women from brown men. Through an analysis of almost a century of case law, this article concludes that the modernisation of law and the development of a new medico-legal understanding of rape introduced evidentiary standards that placed a heavy burden on Indian women seeking judicial remedy in colonial courts. The fear imported from Britain of false charges combined with colonial views about Indian culture to make native female complainants doubly dubious. The colonial jurisprudence has survived to devastating effect in postcolonial India and Pakistan in ways that are explored and explained by the author.  相似文献   

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Stefan Kipfer 《对极》2011,43(4):1155-1180
Abstract: This paper offers a translation of key texts by the contemporary Mouvement des Indigènes de la République (MIR) and its key intellectuals: Sadri Khiari and Houria Bouteldja. Following Khiari, post‐colonial situations are best understood as recompositions: territorially mediated re‐articulations of colonial pasts with other social relations. To respond to the complexities of this post‐colonial recomposition, MIR propose an ambitious politics of “autonomy” and “mixity”. “Autonomy” (externally in relationship to the state and organized politics and internally for feminist groups) is seen as an indispensable precondition for a socio‐politically mixed, and potentially universalizing, political formation politics. More counter‐colonial than post‐colonial in orientation (Hallward), MIR attempt to give direction to three decades of revolt emanating from France's racialized popular neighbourhoods, including the uprising of 2005. I argue that MIR's interventions take up themes from the analyses by Frantz Fanon, Albert Memmi and Suzanne and Aimé Césaire to make countercolonial critique “live” in France today.  相似文献   

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A brief factual account of the events associated with bushfires in Australia on 16 February 1983 is provided. General information on the setting for the fires and their immediate impacts on South Australia and Victoria is followed by brief accounts of the major fire areas in South Australia. Finally some questions are raised on the vulnerability of the Australian community to bushfire disasters.  相似文献   

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The Asian Relations Conference has long served as a historical footnote to the more famous Bandung Conference of 1955. In this paper, however, I argue that this Conference needs to be read and analysed independently. As the opening act of decolonial solidarity, this Conference juxtaposes the moment and the movement of decolonisation, alerting us to the promises and pitfalls of both. In particular one needs to be conscious of its Eurocentric readings which almost always place the ‘Third World’ within the context of the Cold War project and thus are incapable of understanding its historical relevance.  相似文献   

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“二二八”事件是台湾光复后一股强烈的民怨所引发的政治事件。爆发之初的一周内 ,台湾当局未向国民政府请兵镇压 ,而是千方百计地封锁消息。然而 ,由于台湾当局对局势的错误估计和官僚态度 ,台湾局势逐渐失控。面对当时复杂、混乱的局面 ,台湾当局反应过度 ,将台湾民众正常的政治要求错误地定性为暴乱 ,向中央政府请兵赴台。国民政府 (主要是蒋介石 )在错误信息下进行了错误的判断和错误的决策 ,派兵赴台镇压 ,终于酿成惨案  相似文献   

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1945年9月3日,是中国抗战胜利纪念日,当中国国民党总裁、国民政府主席、军事委员会委员长蒋介石,一身戎装,志得意满地乘坐敞篷车巡视重庆市街,接受市民的欢呼时,他无论如何也不会想到,应他之邀正在重庆参加国共谈判、且就在前一晚的酒桌上  相似文献   

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1946年底国民党召开"制宪国大"后,不顾中共与民盟的抵制,于1947年拉拢民社党与青年党两"友党"进行政府改组,组成多党联合执政。民、青两党试图利用此次机会积极参与政治。青年党要求甚多,民社党意见分歧。蒋介石面对政党杯葛,为迅速完成政府改组,被迫多方沟通,妥协退让。国民党虽完成了改组,并继续占据政府主体地位,却不得不分身处理复杂的政党关系。政府改组加剧了国民党内外政党纷争,政局更为不稳,国民党政府进一步走向虚弱。  相似文献   

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