Muted violence: Italian war crimes in occupied Greece

This article considers the myth of Italians as ‘good people’ that has dominated post-war historiography as well as the public and institutional discourse, and analyses the connection between the judiciary paradigm and the historical narrative of the Second World War. It presents an account of Italian war crimes in occupied Greece and suggests a possible interpretation regarding the military violence towards the civilian population. War crimes are considered within the context of the general orientation of the fascist policy of occupation and the structures of conflict that emerged in the occupied territories. In particular, it discusses the turning point in Italian repressive action, from the logic of reprisal to a policy of massacre.     

Fama publica,infamy and defamation: judicial violence and social control of crimes against sexual morals in medieval Castile

Control of crimes such as the sin of lust was one way in which the elites at the head of Castilian town councils emphasised their good government. Among all the such crimes, sodomy was considered to be the most terrible, which brought major misfortunes to the population, and against which it was necessary to avenge. For those accused of this crime, or who actually committed it, it meant exclusion from society. For the urban Castilian elites this struggle was a way of justifying themselves as a governing group. Defence of society against sodomites is related to the political context and to the internal struggles of the urban elites. In the lawsuits analysed, there is clear repetition of a series of words related to individual reputation and social esteem: fama, honour, Buena fama, fama publica, infamia. These can be shown to be vital to the defence of the accused, and also frequently recur in the legislation itself. Rumour was also used as propaganda to shape public opinion and to discredit rivals in the struggle for urban power.     

Fama publica, infamy and defamation: judicial violence and social control of crimes against sexual morals in medieval Castile

Control of crimes such as the sin of lust was one way in which the elites at the head of Castilian town councils emphasised their good government. Among all the such crimes, sodomy was considered to be the most terrible, which brought major misfortunes to the population, and against which it was necessary to avenge. For those accused of this crime, or who actually committed it, it meant exclusion from society. For the urban Castilian elites this struggle was a way of justifying themselves as a governing group. Defence of society against sodomites is related to the political context and to the internal struggles of the urban elites. In the lawsuits analysed, there is clear repetition of a series of words related to individual reputation and social esteem: fama, honour, Buena fama, fama publica, infamia. These can be shown to be vital to the defence of the accused, and also frequently recur in the legislation itself. Rumour was also used as propaganda to shape public opinion and to discredit rivals in the struggle for urban power.     

The violence of space and spaces of violence: Peace as violence in unequal and divided spaces

Peace is a spatio-social and temporal experience, dependent on a number of variables that are influenced by positionality and privilege. Often “peaceful” spaces are inherently violent due to racism, sexism, classism, ableism, transphobia, homophobia, and agism among other forms of oppression. This article presents the conceptualisation of the violence of space, as a means by which inequalities are maintained spatially and socially, and demonstrates how in Cape Town, South Africa this exacerbates displacement and reinforces the persistence of violence in townships and informal settlements or temporal and physical spaces of violence. Empirically, through thematic analysis I evidence the conceptualisation of peace without justice as a form of violence through participant narratives of movement and use of space in the post-apartheid city. Using a spatial lens, I demonstrate how these inequalities perpetuate violence and observe the work still to be done in addressing maintained transgenerational inequalities. I utilise interviews with a range of actors working across different city spaces to demonstrate the violence of maintained divides with a specific focus on materialisations of violence, both structural and direct violence, in the areas of housing and transport. In this paper I also highlight organisation and resistance to inequalities, while overall, arguing that the product of the violence of space and spaces of violence is a violent peace whereby engineered poverty and systemic inequalities are maintained.     

Early agrarian landscapes in Finland

Cadastral maps from the 17th and 18th centuries of villages in southwest Finland and Ostrobothnia have been used in this study to map the variations in land organisation that existed before the first enclosure ( storskiftet ). Settlement structure and land division in particular were found to vary regionally, a fact that can be explained by topographical circumstances but also by the different historical background of the historical provinces. The aim was to distinguish between the cultural influences on the use and ownership of land from Sweden (the west) and Finland (the east) respectively. Through the Swedish colonisation of Finland a feudal social organisation was introduced which affected village organisation all over the investigated area but to a varying degree, resulting in several types of settlements from planned villages with regular strip parcelling to villages developed through piecemeal colonisation and with an unsystematic division of the land.     

Colonial rule,colonial repression and war crimes in the Italian colonies

A strange silence has long reigned in the public memory as well as in Italian historical studies regarding possible crimes committed by Italy in its colonial territories. The aim of this article is to reflect on the reasons for this silence through an examination of the major historiographical questions and a review of the few studies available on the subject. The historiographical use of the judicial category of ‘crimes’ or ‘war crimes’ should not be taken for granted, above all in examining the history of the colonial experience. The most important authors have ignored the risk that the sensationalistic use of the category ‘crime’ – in itself an extraordinary and exceptional event – can make one forget the weight of the ordinary running of a colonial power. With these precautions, the article offers a list of the principal episodes historians now unanimously define as crimes. These episodes eliminate any possibility of taking refuge in the self-absolving and vague appeals to stereotypes of Italians as ‘good people’. The article concludes by defining precisely the triple order of silences that together produced the general silence that the author considers an obstacle and a post-colonial stain on the memory of colonial Italy.     

Dendrochronological dating of a wooden causeway in Finland

A mean ring‐width chronology for Scots pine in eastern Finland has been compiled based on living trees and dendrochronologically dated historical timber constructions. As an application of this master chronology, a young archaeological site near the town of Hämeenlinna, southern Finland, was dated. A previous assumption of the age of this site was that it could even be medieval. The construction was not older than 160 years, the road having been built after 1828, the year of growth of the outermost tree rings of the samples. A new pine chronology for southern Finland extending to the year AD 1539 is presented and it is now applicable for precise dating purposes in this area.     

Diffusion patterns of violence in civil wars

Much of the current conflict literature attempts to explain the occurrence of violence as the result of determinants exogenous to the conflict process. This paper takes a different approach and analyzes how violence in civil wars spreads in space and time, drawing on earlier work on micro-diffusion of violence in criminology as well as high resolution conflict data. Two general scenarios are distinguished in our analysis: the relocation and the escalation of conflict. Relocation diffusion corresponds to a shift in the location of violence, whereas escalation diffusion refers to the spatial expansion of the conflict site. We argue that unconventional warfare in civil wars without demarcated front lines should primarily lead to the second type of pattern. We describe an extension to a joint count statistic to measure both diffusion types in conflict event data. Monte Carlo simulation allows for the establishment of a baseline for the frequency of contiguous conflict events under the assumption of independence, and thus provides a significance test for the observed patterns. Our results suggest that violence in civil wars exhibits patterns of diffusion, and in particular, that these patterns are primarily of the escalation type, driven by the dynamic expansion of the scope of the conflict.     

Neoliberalizing Border Management in Finland and Schengen

Abstract: This paper provides a critical examination of the development of border management in Finland and the Schengen Area, the point of departure being that contemporary performances of border enforcement and security cannot be understood as distinct from the process of neoliberalization. The particular case which is examined is that of the Finnish Border Guard (FBG) service. Border management in Finland provides an interesting case not only because Finland is responsible for controlling the Schengen, European Union–Russian border but also because since Finnish state reforms in the early 1990s, neoliberal rationales have increasingly provided the guidelines for how to calculate and optimize border security. This paper emphasizes that the rationales of border management should be made transparent and opened for public debate. The analysis is structured around the themes of internationalization, competitiveness, risk prevention and the functioning of society, all of which are regarded as the key rationales of neoliberalized border governance.     

Recent research into revivalist movements in Finland

The introductory essay contrasts the violent 1968 uprisings in Paris, Berlin, New York and other cities with the comparatively low‐key ways of the revolt or radicalization in the Scandinavian countries, brought about by the attitude of radicals and authorities alike. It is argued that whereas the level of violence was low in Scandinavia, the effects of ‘1968’ have been at least as far‐reaching as in other Western countries, where sixties radicals were less easily co‐opted into mainstream society and polity. Another distinguishing trait of the Scandinavian ‘1968’ is the role of socialism, and especially Leninism. The essay summarizes the content of the articles in the Special Issue. On the basis of the four country overviews it is noticed that there is still some way to go before the movement from memory to history is completed. The articles in this Special Issue are evidence of the progress, however, and represent a milestone on the road to maturity of research on the sixties radicalization in Scandinavia.     

Multipolis: High-technology Network in Northern Finland

Multipolis is a publicly funded innovation-oriented regional policy instrument to develop high technology in northern Finland. Northern Finland has few experts, under 1000 high-technology enterprises and a small market in a territory of 155,100 square kilometres with 716,000 inhabitants. Multipolis connects high-technology enterprises in, and between, 15 specialized high-technology clusters, regional developers and higher education and research institutes. Multipolis combines the technologically highly developed functional urban region of Oulu (“technopolis”) and the rest of northern Finland (“learning region”). Multipolis has enhanced cooperation, acquisition of new information, social networks and common projects by high-technology enterprises. However, the management of the Multipolis network requires more attention.