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Cyprus came under British control in 1878. At this time the Western-based orientalist mind-set, which saw ‘Ottoman’ as a synonym for stagnation was at its zenith, and this view was strategically disseminated as the European empires expanded. This also coincided with the evolution of the ethnic-nationalism that facilitated the formation of national heritage constructs. By analysing the case of Cyprus, a place which is entangled with British colonial governance as well as revolutionary Turkey, this paper aims to widen the discussion on the conservation trajectory of the Ottoman built heritage in post-Ottoman environments. Approaches to the restoration, interpretation, and management of Cyprus’s Ottoman buildings between 1878 and 1960 are dissected, assessed and categorized through British-era archival collections. The history of conservation practices is contextualised in changing political and professional perspectives, which reveal the role of Eurocentric paradigms of orientalism and nationalism in managing the perception and treatment processes of Ottoman-built heritage.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Debate about the strategic importance of Cyprus to Britain during and immediately after World War I has been overlooked by historians. During this period several key departments, politicians and officials argued strongly and in a concerted way for British retention of the island. This article investigates their reasoning and the arguments of those who championed its cession to Greece. Particular attention is given to the opinions of Lord Curzon, whose career was steeped in long-standing Anglo-Russian rivalries in Asia and the strategic doctrines which underpinned it. Reference is also made to the political, diplomatic and strategic context in which Curzon and his colleagues debated the issue.  相似文献   

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In talking about the cultural diversity of Africa’s past, the archaeological assessment of West African sites with mangled tangible and intangible fragments of German and British and/or French colonial encounters should not be ignored but rather discussed. This research explores how specific daily material cultural practices of German and British colonizers and Kpando indigenes in the Volta Region of Ghana were enmeshed in a medley of geopolitical, ideological and exchange connections. Through the use of archaeological, archival and ethnographic sources, this paper examines how daily practices of the people of Kpando were impacted by pre-colonial and dual colonial political economic pressures from the seventeenth through the twentieth centuries. This paper archaeologically explores how colonial officials maintained and renegotiated the norms of domesticity/gentility/Europeaness in their encounter with Akpini domestic technology, foodways and cultural practices.  相似文献   

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耿志 《安徽史学》2011,(4):65-73
麦克米伦执政时期,塞浦路斯已成为英国的一种负担。岛内希腊族人要求归并希腊,为此与土耳其族人、英国殖民当局发生的武装冲突愈演愈烈。由于希腊和土耳其的介入,塞浦路斯问题日益复杂化和国际化。出于现实的考虑,麦克米伦政府不断修改对塞浦路斯的政策,最终在保留英国军事基地主权的前提下同意塞浦路斯独立。英国由此从塞浦路斯的泥淖中得以脱身,塞浦路斯岛内则获得了短暂的和平。  相似文献   

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针对学术界对马华公会成立过程的不同观点和分歧,在认真研究英国殖民部相关档案的基础上,在马来亚华人社会的分化问题、马华公会领袖们的组织宗旨、英国殖民当局在马华公会成立过程中的作用等方面进行了探讨。得出结论,华社并不总是处于一盘散沙的状态,在某种特定的条件下是能做到团结一致的;马华公会是英国殖民当局发起成立的组织,英国殖民当局在马华公会成立过程中发挥了决定性的作用。英国殖民当局的主要动机是希望马华公会成为协助当局恢复秩序的政治力量;马华公会的华社领袖们则希望与马来族群合作,结束英国殖民统治,建立一个新的民族国家。  相似文献   

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英国殖民主义者占领下缅甸后,为了攫取缅甸的资源,大量引进劳工开发下缅甸。大量移民的涌入,为下缅甸的经济发展做出了巨大的贡献。然而英国殖民主义者实行的“分而治之”和“为己所用”的统治政策阻碍了不同民族之间的文化交流与融合,给下缅甸的民族关系和社会发展带来了许多负面影响,使下缅甸成为一个民族矛盾集中、民族关系脆弱的地区。  相似文献   

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郭家宏 《史学月刊》2000,(6):101-107
17—18世纪是重商主义盛行时期,重商主义成了英国的国策。整个第一英帝国就是在重商主义理论指导下产生、发展、壮大的,重商主义成了旧帝国最主要的特征。因而,英国旧的殖民体制的特点就表现为政治上控制松弛、经济上严格限制。1763年“七年战争”结束之前,英国与殖民地的关系比较融洽。然而战争结束不久,蕴藏于旧的殖民体制之中的危机便迅即爆发。旧的帝国殖民统治体制越来越难以维持,旧的帝国体制已经解决不了帝国的危机,英国与美洲殖民地发生了激烈的冲突,最终导致了帝国的瓦解。  相似文献   

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吞并旁遮普后,鉴于旁遮普自然社会状况,为维护殖民统治利益,英印当局决定大规模开发西旁遮普荒地。从19世纪后半期到1947年印巴分治前,英印当局在西旁遮普兴修起庞大的现代灌溉系统,并在新开发的大面积灌溉耕地上建立起9个灌渠殖民地。灌渠殖民地的建设给英国殖民统治带来丰厚的利益,也使旁遮普社会经济面貌发生巨大的改变。  相似文献   

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An important component of the administration and control of a colony by an external power is the demarcation and classification of the land and its people. This was certainly the case in Cyprus under British colonial rule (1878–1960), as three case studies demonstrate: the topographical survey of the island by H. H. Kitchener in 1878–83; the cadastral survey of 1909–29; and the work of the Forest Delimitation Commission from 1881 to 1896. This was not achieved without resistance on a variety of levels. Ironically, part of the opposition came from the structure of the colonial demarcation and classification project itself.  相似文献   

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郭家宏 《史学集刊》2007,2(2):50-56
从美国独立到拿破仑战争结束这32年时间内,英国调整了对印度的殖民统治政策。受工业革命以及福音教派运动的影响,英国政府改变了过去那种赤裸裸的殖民掠夺、殖民压迫政策,而在表面上代之以为土著人殖民地建立良好的政府,消除暴政、杜绝腐败、发展教育,这在一定程度上促进了殖民地经济文化的发展,从而“充当了历史的不自觉的工具”。英国对印度殖民新的统治体制的形成,对于英帝国的发展壮大意义重大。  相似文献   

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英国在殖民化中确立了具有自身特色的英国殖民城市模式.其主要内容有:提出殖民城市规划建设模式的目标;推出土地授予和分配制度;确保城市规划先于城镇建设;规定城市规划的标准和布局;预留公共用地和绿化带,避免过度商业开发.英国殖民城市模式在其存在的4个世纪里发生演变和扩散大体上经历了5个时期.殖民城市模式在城市化的进程中起到了十分重要的指导性作用.其主要特点为:英国及其殖民地政府在殖民城市模式的形成、制定过程中占据主导地位;殖民城市模式的实施建立在侵略掠夺殖民地人民的基础之上;殖民城市模式的要素构成相对稳定,具有明显的延续性;殖民城市模式的实施具有多样化的特征;殖民城市模式受到殖民地客观条件的制约;殖民城市模式对世界碱市化具有一定的影响力.  相似文献   

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This paper considers various aspects of the interactions of missions and indigenous peoples in regions of Canada and Australia. An analysis of first encounters indicates that the introduction of Christianity was dependent on both evangelist and client population agreeing to a modus operandi for the mission. The structure and operation of the mission were determined by the pre-existing indigenous society and the financial and personnel resources of the mission organizations. Attitudes towards, and acceptance of, Christianity were not static, they depended on changing material and political circumstances both within and outside indigenous communities. This comparative analysis indicates that religious change was not only negotiated between missionary and "convert," but among indigenous peoples themselves. The decision to profess Christianity was not a one-off decision made by individuals or communities. Rather it was a long process of change which was contingent on the perceived advantages and disadvantages of the mission world and countervailingpressures from within indigenous and colonial societies.  相似文献   

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The Colonial Revival was a major movement in twentieth-century American domestic architecture. The Dutch Colonial house, one of many Revival styles, provides a useful index of Colonial Revival popularity, which was greatest between 1905 and 1940. This popularity was based upon a nostalgic idealization of the nation's colonial past, and was apparently tied to white Protestant dissatisfaction with urbanizing, industrializing America. The persistence of Colonial Revival styles in the landscape throughout this century and a recent resurgence in their popularity suggest that the idealization of colonial America continues to be an important feature of American popular culture and cultural geography.  相似文献   

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论法国殖民统治下的越南教育   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
陈立 《世界历史》2005,2(5):67-76
在法国殖民统治下,越南人接受教育的惟一途径是法越教育。法越教育在规模上受到严格限制,且不讲求质量,具有蒙昧主义的本质。法越教育同时具有法国强制移植的属性。印度支那大学作为该教育体系的顶端机构,其移植的特征非常明显。异质教育在殖民地受压抑社会中的生长导致了一种畸形的教育—社会关系,即教育与殖民地社会经济严重脱节,教育加剧了殖民地社会阶层的裂变与民族文化的沦丧。  相似文献   

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Belgium has a very one-sided way of dealing with its colonial past in its public space. The country has hundreds of street names and memorials for white colonials, but not a single tribute to a Congolese. There are at least fifteen monuments for King Leopold II, some of which are occasionally vandalized, but only one presents a plaque with background information. Only one other monument, for a missionary in Antwerp, has been contextualized with an interpretive panel. The demand of Congolese migrants to name a square in the Brussels borough Ixelles/Elsene after Lumumba, has yet to be satisfied after more than ten years.

This situation contrasts that of other former colonial metropoles and can be explained by several factors. Belgium has far fewer postcolonial migrants, who in other countries often have the loudest and most critical voice in the postcolonial debate. Moreover, the postcolonial fight in Belgium is waged with sensitive symbols: a king (Leopold II) and an assassinated prime minister (Lumumba). This makes the debate much more emotionally charged. Last but not least, Belgium has gone through a great identity crisis over the past ten years. Left-wing pundits, who are traditionally more critical of the colonial past, and mainstream opinion-makers have avoided sparking the postcolonial debate so as to not fuel Flemish nationalism.  相似文献   

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